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of everything and not all behaviour fits within the framework; it is not economic determinism by another name. Indeed, this logic is often closely intertwined with, and operates alongside, other political logics, such as the logic of exclusionary identity politics ( Kaldor and de Waal, 2021 ). Moreover, political markets, like all other markets, are socially embedded; societal norms shape the market, and certain actions are clearly proscribed. In South Sudan’s civil war, for instance
identity category more generally. Such was the case with the early gay rights movement in America, which celebrated ‘unity in diversity’ and displayed the breadth of gay identities through gay pride parades. Contemporary ‘post-black’ identity politics is another example of a multivalent recognition politics; the post-black movement aims not to do away with blackness, but instead to
) has sparked a small academic discourse of recognition theory and its application to identity politics, questions of moral and political rights and issues of global justice. While aspects of recognition theory have been adopted in interesting ways within feminism and postcolonial studies, perhaps the predominant branch has been utilized by liberal political theory with rather
of the UN’s Security Council demonstrate the importance of state identities. Obviously, such debates can be reduced to debates about means and ends but they can also be analysed from the perspective of identity politics, raising questions such as, Is Germany a great power? Ought Germany be represented in the Security Council? Is Germany a civilian power? Is an engagement in PSOs compatible with perceptions of Germany’s role
1 Recognition and the International: Meanings, Limits, Manifestations Patrick Hayden and Kate Schick Over the past two decades, critical debates and insights within philosophy, sociology and political theory have focused on the concept of recognition. From interpersonal relationships of self and other, to multiculturalism, identity
a more detailed discussion would be ideally needed to do justice to her account. Fraser's interest in recognition politics began two decades ago, in the notable relation that she charted between redistribution along class lines, and an identity politics oriented to unequal status or misrecognition (Fraser 1995 ; Thompson 2006 : 11). Over time, Fraser has insisted that redistribution and recognition should
doing [which] have intensified’ and deterritorialized identity politics (Hurrell 2007 : 294) – the importation into International Relations of serious consideration of individual-to-individual interaction is increasingly warranted. Yet, any analytical traction or insights we gain by considering interhuman interaction as salient to the study of international relations are compromised by its inherent
practices may have fuelled the continuation of war and may not have fostered industry. However, they have made the DRC and other neighbouring countries’ economies grow (Bayart 1998; Straus and Waldorf 2011). Additionally, as the localists and regionalists have argued, the resource wars thesis neglects important identity, political and security concerns that go hand in hand with economic motivations. These criticisms have resonated strongly in the most recent policy strategies, to the point of embracing them (Day and Ayet Puigarnau 2013; Framework Agreement 2013; ISSSS
leading commentator on international relations theory notes, ‘the international distribution of power can drive countries’ behaviour only by influencing the decisions of flesh and blood officials’.51 Given this, US foreign policy is better understood by contextualising the world situation, as understood by US policymakers at the time.52 Thus, structural factors, domestic interests, and identity politics all influenced the decisions undertaken by US policy-makers.53 It is by taking this approach that one can better appreciate and explain why certain policy choices were
patterns of suffering or harm which our political and economic systems impose on each other can be rooted in some of the basic forces which shape human identity – political, economic, cultural, and emotional. International institutional machinery is indeed an important tool in working on questions of rights. But the achievement of ‘universality’ across societies in the form of real dialogue and significant agreement on and commitment to working with the forms of abuse embedded in collective life seems as yet some way off. To capture the agreement of elites is precisely