Search results
– such as the ones about Austria – mobilised national culture and identity politics in their audio-visual rhetoric. 27 Although the MP films about Greece follow this trend, their projection of a ‘humanitarian narrative’ is consistently related to a historical dialectic between modern and classical Greece that positions the MP aid within a dual perspective of national reconstruction and universal necessity
and intensive model of parenting, affects a more universal and collective call for a global international humanitarianism. While social media provides opportunities to share and discuss information about toy safety, it will be argued that emotion is an important part of humanitarian mobilisation, and that the emotions of consumption are often thwarted by the identity politics of consumption
identity category more generally. Such was the case with the early gay rights movement in America, which celebrated ‘unity in diversity’ and displayed the breadth of gay identities through gay pride parades. Contemporary ‘post-black’ identity politics is another example of a multivalent recognition politics; the post-black movement aims not to do away with blackness, but instead to
, because of its origins in sex and sexuality, also seems to license a constant reduction of ‘difference’ back to the supposed basics of sex and sexuality. Is there a hierarchy within ‘differences’? Are sex and sexuality more central to human political identities than, for example, race/ethnicity or religion? If not, what concerns then allow or circumscribe an intelligible and predictable politics of identity? Political theory
) has sparked a small academic discourse of recognition theory and its application to identity politics, questions of moral and political rights and issues of global justice. While aspects of recognition theory have been adopted in interesting ways within feminism and postcolonial studies, perhaps the predominant branch has been utilized by liberal political theory with rather
right? To what extent is the nation a ‘natural’ social organisation and to what extent an artificial construct? Is the principle of ‘national self-determination’ still a viable one? Was it ever a viable political principle in international affairs? Why does nationalism still seem to be a powerful influence in the twenty-first century? What is the future of ‘identity politics’ and ‘regional nationalism’ in a ‘globalised
of the UN’s Security Council demonstrate the importance of state identities. Obviously, such debates can be reduced to debates about means and ends but they can also be analysed from the perspective of identity politics, raising questions such as, Is Germany a great power? Ought Germany be represented in the Security Council? Is Germany a civilian power? Is an engagement in PSOs compatible with perceptions of Germany’s role
1 Recognition and the International: Meanings, Limits, Manifestations Patrick Hayden and Kate Schick Over the past two decades, critical debates and insights within philosophy, sociology and political theory have focused on the concept of recognition. From interpersonal relationships of self and other, to multiculturalism, identity
a more detailed discussion would be ideally needed to do justice to her account. Fraser's interest in recognition politics began two decades ago, in the notable relation that she charted between redistribution along class lines, and an identity politics oriented to unequal status or misrecognition (Fraser 1995 ; Thompson 2006 : 11). Over time, Fraser has insisted that redistribution and recognition should
doing [which] have intensified’ and deterritorialized identity politics (Hurrell 2007 : 294) – the importation into International Relations of serious consideration of individual-to-individual interaction is increasingly warranted. Yet, any analytical traction or insights we gain by considering interhuman interaction as salient to the study of international relations are compromised by its inherent