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All political argument employs political concepts. They provide the building blocks needed to construct a case for or against a given political position. Justifications of oppression in the name of liberty are no mere products of the liberal imagination, for there are notorious historical examples of their endorsement by authoritarian political leaders. This book explores two approaches to rights: the interest-based (IB) approach, and the obligation-based or Kantian view. Both are shown to offer coherent justifications that can avoid turning all political concerns into a matter of rights. The concept of social justice emerged in both at the start of the twentieth century, and justified institutions for the democratic modification for market outcomes, on utilitarian, maximin or common good grounds. The book explores whether people do in fact have good and justifiable reasons for complying with laws that go beyond mere fear of punishment, and, if so, whether they are bound or obligated by those reasons to comply. It discusses national ties and how they are supposed to act as glue that holds the state together in the eyes of its citizens. The book also explores the link between the weakening of states and this change in criminal policies, and outlines their implications for individual rights. Theorists have used the idea of social exclusion to advocate an approach to social justice that sees increased labour-market participation as the key to equal to citizenship. The contemporary understandings of the public-private distinction and feminist critiques of these are also examined.

Open Access (free)
Emilio Santoro

, and outlines their implications for individual rights. 1 Criminal policy in the era of globalisation Drawing on Max Weber’s well-known thesis, Ernest Gellner 5 argued that the executive and legislative power of modern states rested upon three types of sovereignty: military, economic and cultural. Historically, the sovereignty of states cannot be separated from their capacity not only

in Political concepts
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

Frenchman, as the subject of a state, but not as ‘man’ in general. Socialist thinkers were also, at least initially, less than enthusiastic about rights, particularly individual rights. Like Burke they tended to emphasise group rights, in this case the rights of the working class or trade unions. The far left tended to dismiss the whole idea of individual rights as a disguise for the actual exploitation of the

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Continuities and contradictions underpinning Amitai Etzioni’s communitarian influence on New Labour
Simon Prideaux

individual rights. Rather, the opposite is believed to be true: ‘ strong rights presume strong responsibilities ’. 35 All-in-all, Etzioni’s is an argument that is convinced by the feeling that a commitment to the community can counter the pursuit of self-interest and unbridled greed. Commitment would not represent a life of self-sacrifice, altruism or austerity

in The Third Way and beyond
Open Access (free)
The place of equal opportunity
Andrew Mason

pay lip-service to this ideal of equality of opportunity and seek to enshrine it in legislation and public policy, it is hard for them to carve out the right role for it within their theories. On the one hand, they want to show that a commitment to equality of opportunity is compatible with respecting personal liberty, especially in the face of those who insist that enforcing it threatens individual rights, including the

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

this has the effect of benefiting society as a whole. In a famous passage Mill made the case for the defence of individual rights: The only purpose for which power can be rightly exercised over any member of a civilised community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others. His own good, either physical or moral, is not a sufficient warrant. He cannot rightfully be

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Volker M. Heins

modern conception of freedom’ (Habermas 2002 : 205) by pitting the protection of individual rights against safeguarding collective ways of life, and by giving precedence to the latter in certain cases of conflict. Nevertheless, Habermas accepts Taylor's initial diagnosis that entire groups of citizens can grow alienated even from a democratic state, because the diverse and fluctuating

in Recognition and Global Politics
Open Access (free)
Terrell Carver

society? What are the appropriate strategies for realising it? How are individual rights and present entitlements balanced against the possibilities for collective change? How can change benefit excluded and oppressed groups? Without a theory of gender, the relevance of sex and sexuality to these questions would not be visible, and without a power-theory of gender, the link between contemporary political debates and movements

in Political concepts
David Miller

principle for deciding upon individualsrights to be included in the demos, it will yield some paradoxical results. Bauböck himself gives a relevant example, though I shall challenge his use of it. Consider a closed monastic order whose members have little interest in what is going on in the secular world beyond the cloister walls except so far as it interferes with their chosen way of life. Their overwhelming interest is in being left alone by

in Democratic inclusion
Pertti Joenniemi

all, the notion of ‘security’ had to adapt itself to the core constitutive themes of individual rights, exchange and openness. As Andreas Behnke has argued, the security argument was employed in a derivative and protective manner, rather than in a productive way. 29 During ‘Kosovo’, the notion of security was deprived of its traditional linkages to sovereignty and instead referred to the

in Mapping European security after Kosovo