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Pertti Joenniemi

all, the notion of ‘security’ had to adapt itself to the core constitutive themes of individual rights, exchange and openness. As Andreas Behnke has argued, the security argument was employed in a derivative and protective manner, rather than in a productive way. 29 During ‘Kosovo’, the notion of security was deprived of its traditional linkages to sovereignty and instead referred to the

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism
Bassam Tibi

territorial boundaries, market economies, private religiosity, and the priority of individual rights? Or will it be Islam, with its emphasis on the universal mission of a transtribal community called to build a social order founded on pure monotheism natural to humanity? ( 1993 : 117) Islamic fundamentalists answer this

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Tami Amanda Jacoby

the community. In order to produce and reproduce the national security agenda, societies in conflict make demands of the citizen that otherwise peaceful societies would not. As the Israeli context demonstrates, women have been particularly torn between their individual rights and their collective duties. On the one hand, war has served as the catalyst for the political mobilization of Israeli women as

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Paul Latawski
Martin A. Smith

privatization of ethnicity in liberal democracy maximizes individual rights but minimizes collective rights. 43 Examples of countries that embrace civic nationalism are the United Kingdom and the United States. These states possess a civic national identity where democracy, citizenship and national identity are closely intertwined with the state. With the individual’s rights at the

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Alexis Heraclides
Ada Dialla

the person directly affected, but against all civilized States. His conclusion is that under these circumstances collective intervention is ‘obligatory’. 50 Bluntschli of Heidelberg University asserted that ‘[t]he civilized nations in particular are called upon to develop the sentiment of the common laws of humanity’ 51 and that ‘[o]ne is authorized to intervene to ensure respect for the individual rights recognized

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century