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Defending Cold War Canada
Katie Pickles

defence, immigrant training and citizenship courts. Such work continued the IODE’s mission for a British-influenced Canada. The IODE’s reaction to the Cold War reflected a forced reconsideration of Canadian identity. While the IODE promoted democratic principles of progressive conservatism, its methods and its attitude to Communists were influenced by an individualism and a politics more often associated

in Female imperialism and national identity
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Mark Jackson

reconstruction, like the resolution of personal and marital tensions at midlife, demanded the realignment of individual, domestic, occupational and social selves and a reconfiguration, or rebalancing, of the needs of self and others in a climate of aggressive individualism. 21 Self-help books and marriage guidance literature also reveal how the boundaries of middle age and the parameters of the midlife crisis were fluid and ambiguous, constructed by shifting configurations of the life course and prominent Western emphases on

in Balancing the self
Open Access (free)
Balance, malleability and anthropology: historical contexts
Chris Millard

retreat of the state from responsibility for health. Nicos Kefalas's argument about the rise of self-care is similarly charged with contemporary relevance, and he talks explicitly about the embrace of ‘the notion of self-reflective, self-governing individualism’ and links it to ideas of ‘efficiency’. The contemporary relevance of this – to us now in 2019 – is left largely unsaid. Awareness of the contingency of the methodological tools we wield in the present, in pursuit of present objectives, according to our present resources, capacities and

in Balancing the self
Visualising obesity as a public health concern in 1970s and 1980s Britain
Jane Hand

composition and visual arrangement of these documentaries revealed alternative notions regarding the role of individualism in the disease prevention process. They provided a counternarrative, emphasising how televisual media were engaging with broader health and social equality issues that impacted on health outcomes. Examining the structural and economic barriers to health was one part of this counternarrative, with poverty, environment, service delivery and healthcare access all contributing to the construction of another type of self – anyone unable to achieve balanced

in Balancing the self
Open Access (free)
Pacifism and feminism in Victorian Britain
Heloise Brown

pacifist, and representing these women/peace connections as located in women’s reproductive role. The use of these ideas has significant implications for arguments of sexual difference, individualism versus relationalism, and maternalism in nineteenth-century 1 ‘ the truest form of patriotism ’ feminism.3 It can also demonstrate how feminism, in using such ideas of what was ‘natural’ to women, purported to speak for all women. It is therefore vital to illustrate the ways in which different feminist movements have utilised representations of the relationship between

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
The origins of the Algerian women’s movement, 1945–54
Neil Macmaster

, illustrated by innumerable remarkable deeds; it has its religious and linguistic unity; it has its own culture, traditions, and values . . . it is a nation totally unlike France by its language, its values, ethnic origins and religion. It has no desire for assimilation. It has its very own fatherland, Algeria, with its established and well known frontiers’.79 Unlike the highly fragmented and segmentary structures of moribund tribalism and maraboutism, that were rooted in particular localities and shrines, the puritan individualism of the Ulema provided a kind of ‘Jacobin

in Burning the veil
Kirsti Bohata, Alexandra Jones, Mike Mantin and Steven Thompson

Injuries Act of 1946, which enshrined a generous system of benefits to injured workmen in the welfare state. The years from 1880 to 1948 were a crucial time in the development of welfare in Britain. There was a gradual move from staunch adherence to individualism and the free market to greater state intervention in the 1880s and 1890s, and then more significant Liberal government reforms in the Edwardian period that for the first time enshrined in law the right to provisions such as school meals, pensions and health insurance. The interwar hiatus in legislation was

in Disability in industrial Britain
Open Access (free)
Consultation and conditions
Brian Pullan and Michele Abendstern

their own affairs. Opponents of this liberal view maintained that precisely because of their individualism (their ‘analytic’ rather than ‘synthetic’ tendencies, as Mussolini might have put it), academics, once allowed to discuss questions of policy, would waste precious hours far better devoted to pursuing their own subjects. At best their debates would produce a series of muddled compromises, the result of talking till everyone agreed, which allowed no clear and forthright line to be pursued. Better, by far, to have a professor empowered to bang contending heads

in A history of the University of Manchester 1973–90
Johan Östling

wondered. The first generations after 1810 were still influenced by impulses from the new educational centres, and he described the following decades as a happy period. ‘Never before and never since have German academics played a greater part in social life than between 1815 and 1866’, he wrote.87 Against this golden age, Ritter placed what he himself had experienced during the previous decades: anarchy, individualism, egotism. This decay did not, however, begin under the National Socialists but in the latter part of the Bismarck period.88 Two golden ages thus emerged in

in Humboldt and the modern German university