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Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

. One of the offshoots of the expanded scope of international law is the expanded use of categories of humanitarian law in political argument. Whether an act on the part of a state or state-supported actors is deemed to be in violation of international humanitarian law is now advanced as a basis for deciding on the legitimacy of the act in question and in some cases of the actor. Human rights have become the stuff of public debate, especially since the end of

in Antisemitism and the left
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

doing something salutary in a humanitarian crisis if the United Nations Security Council is paralysed and abuse in the name of humanitarianism by intervening states. Most liberals opt for saving lives 5 and for intervening, exceptionally, even without the authorization of the United Nations, provided the intervention has gained wide international legitimacy and the plight is so appalling that the interest in global humanity overrides narrowly defined national interest

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Mick Marchington and Tony Dundon

Challenges for fair voice in liberal market economies 5 The challenges for fair voice in liberal market economies Mick Marchington and Tony Dundon Introduction The notion of fair voice sits centre stage in arguments about the relative importance of employee, organisational and societal goals because it connects directly with questions of managerial prerogative and social legitimacy. This creates tensions which are particularly apparent in liberal market economies (LMEs) – such as the UK, Australia, Ireland and New Zealand – where the law plays a relatively

in Making work more equal
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

mankind’, (2) the intervention was collective or quasi-collective, so as to acquire international legitimacy and limit the abuse factor; and (3) disinterestedness or that humanitarian concern was one of the main motives and justifications for intervening. 19 Those opposed to such interventions based their case on the principles of sovereignty and independence, with non-intervention as their corollary, as well as on practical grounds, especially abuse by powerful states

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.

Open Access (free)
Postcolonial governance and the policing of family
Author: Joe Turner

Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.

A critical study of social media discourses
Marie Sundström and Hedvig Obenius

’ understanding of public discourse and legitimacy. The aim of the analysis is to explore how social media users (de-)legitimised the decision of the court while they were discussing it on the Swedish evening paper Expressen’s Facebook page. The collection of data followed recommendations on collecting data online by Sveningsson et al. (2003). Firstly, a broad search was conducted, followed by a progressive limitation of the material. The keywords used when searching on Facebook were the Swedish word for ‘Migration Court’ (Migrationsdomstol) and ‘Migration Court of Appeal

in Refugees and the violence of welfare bureaucracies in Northern Europe
Open Access (free)
Cameron Ross

society, which was still suffering from the after-shocks of Yeltsin’s violent assault and dissolution of the Russian parliament. Moreover, Yeltsin’s victory over the parliament was a pyrrhic victory. For although a ‘presidential Constitution’ was officially ratified in FAD10 10/17/2002 6:04 PM Conclusions Page 173 173 December 1993, the Constitution was fundamentally weakened by questions over its legitimacy. As we discussed in chapter 1, one of the central preconditions for a democratic federation is the voluntary membership of its subjects. But in December 1993

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Jürgen Habermas and the European left
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

world in which power will be in the service of law, a formulation that did not address his own understanding of law as a form of power – witness the struggles for power waged for control of the institutional bodies through which human rights are enacted on the world stage. He defended the legitimacy of human rights bodies in terms of supplementing the functional capacities of nation states and tempering the temptation of powerful states to imagine themselves as

in Antisemitism and the left
Open Access (free)
Antonia Lucia Dawes

defiant accounts of repossession of language, of migrants telling me they knew when to talk and how to talk in order to gain respect and legitimacy. I have examined episodes of linguistic veiling, when speaking in other languages, or claiming not to be able to speak, offered ambivalent protection and camouflage from violence and scrutiny. These dynamics showed how power differentials shaped the way in which people communicated with each other every day to create new communalities and ambiguous possibilities of unity. The multifarious languages being spoken – such as

in Race talk