Search results

You are looking at 1 - 10 of 33 items for :

  • "legitimacy" x
  • Manchester Security, Conflict & Peace x
Clear All
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

doing something salutary in a humanitarian crisis if the United Nations Security Council is paralysed and abuse in the name of humanitarianism by intervening states. Most liberals opt for saving lives 5 and for intervening, exceptionally, even without the authorization of the United Nations, provided the intervention has gained wide international legitimacy and the plight is so appalling that the interest in global humanity overrides narrowly defined national interest

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Iver B. Neumann

Introduction One of the starting-points of this volume is that the Weberian principle of the state as possessing a legitimate monopoly on violence is fading. Sovereigns no longer hold this monopoly; it now belongs to the international community. This chapter investigates the effects of this fading of legitimacy. If war is seen as the extension of politics by other means, then there are three

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

’s many commentators and critics. Key features of the debates over NATO’s employment of military power have been concerned with its legality and legitimacy (i.e. the role of the UN and international law), its ethical basis and its impact on the doctrine of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of states. The conceptual debates that have raged over these issues are important not only within the context of European security but

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

mankind’, (2) the intervention was collective or quasi-collective, so as to acquire international legitimacy and limit the abuse factor; and (3) disinterestedness or that humanitarian concern was one of the main motives and justifications for intervening. 19 Those opposed to such interventions based their case on the principles of sovereignty and independence, with non-intervention as their corollary, as well as on practical grounds, especially abuse by powerful states

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Israel and a Palestinian state
Lenore G. Martin

also needs four other types of capability: political legitimacy; ethnic and religious tolerance; economic capabilities; and available essential natural resources. Why not include other variables discussed in the liberal literature, such as population growth rates, population migrations, environmental hazards, or even diffusion of knowledge and technology ( Holsti, 1995 : 43)? Certainly these variables

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Brent E. Sasley

the regime, in the form of civil disobedience or non-voluntary co-operation, which might sap the regime of its resources, and certainly of its legitimacy. Demands for economic liberalization are equally dangerous for regimes, because they can lead to demands for political change. As sectors of the economy benefit from its liberalization (through less state interference in the economy), groups become

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Open Access (free)
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

international system on human rights that challenge the sacrosanct view of the sovereignty of the state. The crux of this paradox is the problem of establishing criteria for intervention, and humanitarian intervention in particular. Determining the ethical basis of intervention and establishing its legitimacy is a core challenge. Kosovo brought into focus this twin problem. As the discussions in Chapter 1 indicate, the ethics of

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Open Access (free)
Virtuousness, virtuality and virtuosity in NATO’s representation of the Kosovo campaign
Andreas Behnke

part, of a wider campaign in which the crucial battleground is the delocalised world of information networks, TV screens, newspaper articles and internet sites. It is on these grounds that the battles over the legitimacy, effectiveness and consequences are fought. Admissions of manipulated videos of Allied Force amount to defeats for NATO, while media reports about mass graves in Kosovo ‘confirm’ the

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Eşref Aksu

oversee its own domestic situation. Even though the mediators and the parties were at first not particularly keen to introduce the UN, or any other actor, into the conflict, the resolution of their differences – in interest and in viewpoint – necessitated that they make use of a suitable ‘mechanism’. They also needed further legitimacy by taking into account the interests and preferences of regional

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Open Access (free)
Kosovo and the outlines of Europe’s new order
Sergei Medvedev and Peter van Ham

’, citing the work of Carl Schmitt and several authors of the Copenhagen School (Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver). To their criteria of politicisation and securitisation, Neumann adds a category of ‘violisation’. In Kosovo, certain national identities were violised, but at the same time for the West, war became a legitimate violisation of politics. The central point of Neumann’s chapter is the question of legitimacy: who can legitimately

in Mapping European security after Kosovo