, should be the inculcation of the basic ideal of tolerance. 5 Others extend the programme to include education in mutual respect but, generally speaking, not too much more. 6 Departing from this approach, Levinson proposes teaching a more comprehensive profile of civic qualities while remaining faithful to the narrow boundaries of the liberal tradition. In her view, pupils in liberaldemocracies should learn about fundamental democratic rights, such as the freedoms of speech, assembly and religious expression, rights attaching to ownership and property, the right to
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis
because it produces an idiom the reader may think is a type of democracy along the lines of the ‘liberaldemocracy’ or ‘consensus democracy’ – and this is not the case. ‘Defending democracy’ and its various derivatives do not indicate a form of governmental system but rather the course chosen by a democracy in its efforts to protect itself. Assuredly, this does not disallow the possibility that the nature of the democracy may in fact dictate the nature of its response to provocation (often, certain courses of counteraction are identified with certain types of
Attitudes towards subversive movements and violent organisations
circumscribed and, when enforced, the impairment of basic human rights or arbitrary discrimination among citizens should be avoided. 5 This approach obligates the liberaldemocracy to confine its struggle against political violence to very narrow boundaries, a fact that does not necessarily coincide with empirical reality in many liberal democratic polities, let alone non-liberaldemocracies.
A consideration of the campaigns waged by democracies against violence and terrorism indicates that, in most cases, the governing body does in fact uphold the rule
quick in implementing disqualification, the parties were very careful with their language concerning issues such as liberaldemocracy and foreigners. 16 It was only in the summer of 2000 that Germany finally decided to initiate a process of disqualification against the NPD in consequence to its plan to instigate a racist revolution. In contrast to Israel, the disqualification process for a political party in Germany takes a considerable time and involves executive, parliamentary and judicial authorities. This protracted process is more likely to guarantee that the
almost negligible amount of activities aimed at ‘uncivil’ groups reflects the problematic tendency to blur the boundaries between the ‘civil’ and the ‘uncivil’ in Israel, and the confusion generated by the prescriptions of the ‘non-liberaldemocracy’ among its citizens. Active representatives also revealed in interviews a marked bias in estimating their organisation’s ability to advance its objectives. In general, these officials reported degrees of success, albeit limited. A closer scrutiny reveals that one of the major pitfalls in their path concerns the operational
, too, it appeared that the position of members of the Committee toward Kahane was based ultimately on their political persuasion. While representatives of left-wing parties sharply rebuked Kach and urged its immediate disqualification, the right-wing and Haredi factions tried to moderate the tone of the stance taken against Rabbi Kahane.
One of the more compelling issues raised during the session addressed the very heart and core of the notion of the ‘Jewish ethnic democracy’. Contrary to liberaldemocracies that take care to sidestep issues