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. 6 Realists of course discard ethics in foreign affairs (with exceptions, such as those realists who take seriously the ‘morality of states’ 7 ) and regard only threats to vital interests worthy of intervention, and intervention for humanitarian reasons a delusion, or as bogus. Most leftist thinkers, such as Noam Chomsky, 8 Edward Said, Tariq Ali, 9 Jacques Derrida or Jean Baudrillard denounced the 1999 intervention in Kosovo and the whole idea of ‘humanitarian

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
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basis of today’s more scrupulous standards of morality and justice), then the following assessment is probably more fair: that despite the obvious Christian bias, Eurocentrism, hardly disguised ‘anti-Turkism’, incipient racism, double standards and national interests, not to mention the unabashed ‘civilizing’ (read haughty imperialist) spirit reigning in those days, the overriding motive of European publics (and some in government, the bureaucracy and

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Israeli security experience as an international brand

. As mentioned above, the ISE brand blends in with the national brand of Israel. I first describe this brand further. ISE symbolises not only security and safety for its clients, but also specific values as know-how, toughness, morality, and a distinct kind of masculinity, all linked to Israel as the supposed number one in the security industry. Simultaneously, this experience, which is often gained

in Security/ Mobility

least four points are worth making. First of all, Kant was guarded on intervention, not wanting to open a Pandora’s box, given his views on war and peace, autonomy and morality. Secondly, he wrote Perpetual Peace in the wake of the French Revolution and apparently one of his main preoccupations was not to give grounds for foreign interventions against Republican France 41 (as advocated, say, by Burke). Thirdly, Kant, as a cosmopolitan, was not an advocate of conquest and colonialism

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

University of Paris and later Greek Foreign Minister, made the following important point in his book on international morality, written just before the Second World War and published posthumously: 132 Every people has the right to organise itself as it wants … without other countries being in the position to oppose or to intervene in what are internal affairs.… But … such a right will merit due respect on the

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

civilization was judged with reference to religion, technological development, ascribed racial characteristics, economic capacity, political institutions, morality, intellectual competence, and sense of nationhood. 36 Towards the end of the nineteenth century the religious and racial aspects lapsed and emphasis was put on the other ‘minimum standards of civilization’ and in this sense the standard opened the way for the inclusion of Japan and other non-Christian and non

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century