Author: Jacopo Pili

Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.

Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

James E. Connolly

with the thousands of German men living alongside them. Many were aware of this moral-​ patriotic framework and the potential criticism from compatriots for v 31 v 32 The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914–18 perceived breaches of the limits of respectability. This was an extension of wider French war culture, outlined by Jean-​Yves Le Naour: At a time when Frenchmen spilled blood for the endangered motherland, it was intolerable that certain individuals ran away from and avoided their duty. Collective surveillance, actually autosurveillance, called

in The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914– 18
Open Access (free)
Global Britishness and settler cultures in South Africa and New Zealand
Charles V. Reed

and action could heighten the already natural tendency to imagine and construct über-British societies on the edges of the world. Settlers competed with the motherland and other cores to make ‘better Britains’ and to be more perfect Britishers – whether by building a prosperous commercial entrepôt at the Cape of Good Hope or by imagining a more democratic – even classless – society in New Zealand

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911
Daughters of the Empire, mothers in their own homes, 1929–45
Katie Pickles

and constructed places as mothers. On a wider – metaphorical – level there was the rhetoric of ‘Canada prides herself on having been on the side of the motherland and since war began has paid her way, has the largest volunteer fighting force in the World, the largest small arms factory in the Empire, and has been privileged to share in the great glories as the daughter who is mistress on her own house

in Female imperialism and national identity
Matthew M. Heaton

could not rival that of the ‘imperial motherland’. Psychiatric facilities in Nigeria were particularly unpleasant, characterised as overcrowded, understaffed and offering nothing in the way of therapeutic care. 16 The disparity was stark enough that one Nigerian official queried, I presume there must be full legal sanction for

in Beyond the state
Open Access (free)
Feminism, anti-colonialism and a forgotten fight for freedom
Alison Donnell

. Although Marson did not return to London until 1964, just one year before her death and two years before the formation of the Caribbean Artists Movement, there is a sense in which Britain, as the colonial motherland, had been the catalyst for her many journeys, providing both the political and intellectual impetus behind the internationalism and transnationalism that was so crucial to the freedom movements

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
Open Access (free)
Contextualising colonial and post-colonial nursing
Helen Sweet and Sue Hawkins

East Indies the importance of recruiting local nurses was given extra impetus by the failure of the motherland to provide required numbers of European-trained white female nurses. As one local administrator bemoaned, ‘How come that our neighbours can feel a sense of vocation to go to the colonies while the Dutch deaconesses cannot?’33 Hesselink also takes up issues of class, already discussed in the context of British colonial nursing, but encountered again in a Dutch colonial setting. She stresses the importance of attracting women ‘of good birth’ from the

in Colonial caring
Open Access (free)
Empire, migration and the 1928 English Schoolgirl Tour
Katie Pickles

see the children show us England on the map, and on being asked, the (to us) somewhat puzzling question “what is the other name of that country?” to hear them all respond without hesitation, “Our Motherland”. What a queer world it is!’ 62 Assimilation was at once inevitable and quaint. At the end of the tour there was time for the girls to reflect upon and consolidate their experiences. The

in Female imperialism and national identity
James E. Connolly

himself at the front or is sleeping six feet under, these swine party, and prostitute their very beings, their family and their motherland under the German boot! … The motherland and their families must not suffer this smear. The women whom we denounce for punishment by honest people enrolled in their manner under the flags of the invader, they have chosen the position that suits their insanity; some of them think of profiting from the automobiles of their friends and of making it abroad the day of their next retreat, but whatever happens, we will find them again one

in The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914– 18