is and what risks it may be seen to pose vary by area, with some
parents in Cheadle Hulme expressing reservations about both ethnic
and religious difference which they saw as potentially threatening,
particularly when accompanied by ‘political correctness’. As we will
explore below, in the UK schools have been a key site for the implementation and debate over multicultural policies and it is perhaps
unsurprising that they also serve as a site for anxieties about multiculturalism. The chapter considers how many parents desire a ‘good
mix’ in the schools and talk
were privileged over their own. While the perceived beneficiary of that injustice
might be racialised (as ‘immigrants’ or ‘Muslims’), the agent responsible for this
injustice is understood to be a weak-willed or frightened government that panders
to the demands of a minority for fear of being labelled racist.
In the first part of this chapter, expressions of resentment and injustice and
its links to class and racialised identities are traced through the literature on the
backlash to multiculturalism in the UK. This is followed by a detailed exploration
and regional underdevelopment. It also masks growing racism within
The central aim of this chapter is to examine the current hegemonic
construction of Ireland as an open, cosmopolitan, multicultural, touristfriendly society. It will argue that underlying the celebrated liberal values
of freedom, choice and opportunity, which are supposedly intrinsic to
the cultural renewal ushered in by the ‘new Ireland’, is the harsh reality
of capitalist production, exclusionary nationalism and growing xenophobia, in relation to both the state and the general
of multicultural society. This has led to the conclusion that ‘the
EDL is clearly Islamophobic’ (Allen, 2011: 293) and, although having successfully
accommodated aspects of the diversity of contemporary multicultural Britain and
not espousing a traditionally racist ideology, promotes a form of ‘new racism’ or
‘cultural racism’ (2011: 293).
This chapter starts by critically outlining debates about how we define and
measure ‘Islamophobia’, focusing on the question of whether Islamophobia is a
new, and distinct, phenomenon or consists primarily in anti
This book outlines the ways in which sport helps to create transnational social fields that interconnect migrants dispersed across a region known as the Black Atlantic: England, North America and the Caribbean. Many Caribbean men’s stories about their experiences migrating to Canada, settling in Toronto’s urban and suburban neighbourhoods, finding jobs, returning home for visits, and traveling to other diasporic locations involved some contact with a cricket and social club. The cricket ground brings black Canadians together as a unified community, not only to celebrate their homeland cultures or assuage the pain of the “racial terror” that unifies the Black Atlantic, but also to allay the pain of aging in the diaspora. Players and spectators corporeal practices, post-game activities, sport-related travel, as well as music, food, meetings, fundraisers, parties, and shared stories are analysed in this text as resources deployed to maintain the Black Atlantic, that is, to create deterritorialized communities and racial identities; A close look at what goes on before, during, and after cricket matches provides insights into the contradictions and complexities of Afro-diasporic identity performances, the simultaneous representation of sameness and difference among Afro-Caribbean, African-American, Black British, Indo-Caribbean and South-Asian groups in Canada. This book describes twenty-one months of ethnographic empirical evidence of how black identities are gendered, age-dependent and formed relationally, with boundary making (and crossing) as an active process in multicultural Canada.
Sexual images and innuendo have become commonplace in contemporary advertising; they often fail to register in any meaningful way with the audience. This book examines the essentially racist stereotypes through which Irish people have conventionally been regarded have been increasingly challenged and even displaced perhaps by a sequence of rather more complimentary perspectives. The various developments that are signified within the figure of the Celtic Tiger might be considered to have radically altered the field of political possibility in Ireland. The enormous cuts in public expenditure that marked this period are held to have established a desirable, stable macroeconomic environment. The Celtic Tiger shows that one can use the rhetoric about 'social solidarity' while actually implementing policies which increase class polarisation. The book discusses the current hegemonic construction of Ireland as an open, cosmopolitan, multicultural, tourist-friendly society. The two central pieces of legislation which currently shape Irish immigration policy are the 1996 Refugee Act and the Immigration Bill of 1999. The book offers a critical examination of the realities of the Celtic Tiger for Irish women. Processes of nation state formation invariably invoke homogeneous narratives of ethnicity and national identity. To invoke a collective subject of contemporary Ireland rhetorically is to make such a strategic utopian political assumption. For the last few hundred years, the Gaeltacht has exemplified the crisis of Irish modernity. Culture becomes capital, and vice versa, while political action increasingly consists of the struggle to maintain democratic autonomy in the face of global market forces.
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
). Jettisoning ‘race’, it is argued, is
problematic because without reference to it, there can be no effective and meaningful talk about racism (St Louis, 2002: 65). Most damning of all is the claim that
post-racialist critiques legitimate conservative post-racisms (Paul, 2014: 704–5),
collude with claims that multiculturalism has failed, deny the lived experience of
racism and thus imply that there is no longer a need for anti-racism (Lentin, 2014:
1279). Post-racialism, Lentin (2014: 1269) concludes, ‘is in fact the dominant
mode in which racism finds discursive expression
relational view would stress the importance of schools
as key loci of social interaction which help shape the people children
become. They can be sites of what Fortier terms ‘multicultural intimacies’ (Fortier 2008) which, while represented as positive moments
of encounter, can also be threatened by the presence of (too many)
classed and raced others who disrupt and unsettle national comfort.
In addition, how parents, as social actors, view schools and their role
in school choice are shaped by interactions with discourses of school
choice produced by a range of actors