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. The discourse analysis of political actors’ speeches and debates indicates that Israeli exclusionary policies of asylum have been justified through very ‘classical’ securitising storylines where asylum seekers are constructed in three ways: as a threat to national security, as a disruption of social order, and as a threat to national identity. The analysis of political discourse also shows that in

in Security/ Mobility
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia

Nationalism remains a field of study that is ‘vast and ramified’. 29 Yet, despite the varieties of meanings and academic approaches involved in the study of nationalism and ethnicity, there is a dominant orthodoxy. It sees national or ethnic identities as being ‘situational’ and the ‘property of individuals rather than of collectivities’. 30 According to this view, national identity and ethnicity are secondary issues, able to be

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Open Access (free)

western norms and values relating to, for example, liberal democracy and an inclusive – or ‘civic’ – national identity. Relations between NATO and its members, on the one hand, and Russia on the other, represent arguably the single most important set of links in contemporary European security affairs. The Kosovo crisis can be described as a watershed event in the development of Russia–NATO relations in the

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II

process? In other words, how does the bill pertaining to denaturalisation feed on and produce normative divisions that affect the notion of national identity, and, by extension, the notion of national community? The rise of new limits to the notion of national identity during World War II: between security and mobility As stated by the 1939 bill amending

in Security/ Mobility
Between humanitarianism and pragmatism

question the basis of legitimacy of the three empires and was linked in part to the famous Eastern Question. In Russian society this narrative came to the fore following the traumatic Crimean War. The Slavic idea was part and parcel of the discussion of the national question in Russia and the creation of Russian national identity. There were no fewer than three versions of Russian identity: ethnically or culturally russkiy , racially Slav or state rossiskiy

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

following extended continuum: non-politicised–politicised–securitised–violised. An obvious case to which the proposed extended continuum could be applied is the war in Kosovo. 8 We have in this situation a number of cases where national identities became not only securitised but violised. Serb and Croatian national identities, Bosniak political identity and Muslim religious

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)

futures: unachievable goals? The normative bases of the Dayton agreements, UNSC Resolution 1244 and the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe all promote democracy in conjunction with a civic model of nationalism that is distant, if not alien to, ethnic national identities in South East Europe. On this crucial issue of nationalism, the gulf in understanding between the recipients and givers of norms lies at the crux of

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Open Access (free)
Kosovo and the outlines of Europe’s new order

’, citing the work of Carl Schmitt and several authors of the Copenhagen School (Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver). To their criteria of politicisation and securitisation, Neumann adds a category of ‘violisation’. In Kosovo, certain national identities were violised, but at the same time for the West, war became a legitimate violisation of politics. The central point of Neumann’s chapter is the question of legitimacy: who can legitimately

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Security/ Mobility and politics of movement

different case study, are picked up by Sharon Weinblum ( Chapter 7 ). She engages the Israeli border discourse against the backdrop of arriving asylum seekers from Africa. Focusing on parliamentary debates, the chapter looks at how exclusionary techniques employed to regulate migrations are legitimised through the association of migrants as a problem of national security, as an economic threat, and as a threat to national identity

in Security/ Mobility

As put by one contemporary, Cuba was ‘the flesh of the flesh of Spain; it is part of the history, the glory, and the grandeur of Spain’, and surrendering it would be tantamount to denying Spain’s national identity and heritage. 13 Thus the Spaniards scoffed at the repeated US attempts to purchase the island and pressed on till the very end for a military solution; in the process Spain sustained 50,000 soldiers dead and 50,000 disabled by wounds and disease, out of more

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century