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. The best that could be hoped for was a peaceful federation of states. A modern Kantian ethical cosmopolitan, such as O’Neill, acknowledges that nationality and other forms of community have an importance, and securing a national state may be instrumental in achieving justice for some, as for example looks to be the case with the Kurds. Yet the achievement of a national state may be just as likely to be the instrument of injustice to

in Political concepts

asserts that we “cannot make sense of claims to inclusion in the city of Florence, the region of Tuscany or the European Union without describing first the different nature of these polities and their relations with the Italian state” (p. 51). I am not so sure. One can be a sociological member of a locality or a region without being a sociological member of a national state. This is the logic of non-citizen voting in local elections. Although membership in

in Democratic inclusion
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. Most states are in fact multi-national. The United Kingdom, for example, is a multi-national state, consisting of four or five identifiable nations. Attempts to create a ‘British’ nation and national identity since, say, the union of the English and Scottish crowns in 1603, the union of Scottish and English parliaments in 1707, or the union with Ireland in 1801, have at best been only partially

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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forces of disintegration and re-creation can be seen in nations such as Canada and Britain, countries far more stable and well established than the communist regimes of Eastern Europe and the USSR. Canada’s future is questionable because of the continuing conflicts between its English and French-speaking peoples. The UK, even, may disintegrate as a consequence of the various nationalisms within its multi-national state

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Hannah Arendt’s Jewish writings

solution to minority or nationality problems than the autonomous national state with a homogeneous population’. 50 At the same time, and this was a crucial qualification, she warned against allowing a selective distrust of nationalism to be turned into a pretext for abandoning the project for a Jewish homeland. She looked for other solutions, including the idea of a federal state based on equal rights for all peoples following a model she saw in nuce

in Antisemitism and the left

national state-building, subnational community-strengthening and multiple identity-holding. It also contains a suggestion both of the non-conflictual character of EU power-sharing and of the means through which the separateness of the segments, in the form of well consolidated democracies, is compatible with processes of ‘institutionalised compromise’. Hence, the preservation of ‘pluralism-within-unity’ is conditioned by an overarching concern at the elite level for meeting the conditions of stable governance. Finally, by emphasising elite-driven, as opposed to demos

in Theory and reform in the European Union