A global history

In this book scholars from across the globe investigate changes in ‘society’ and ‘nation’ over time through the lens of immunisation. Such an analysis unmasks the idea of vaccination as a simple health technology and makes visible the social and political complexities in which vaccination programmes are embedded. The collection of essays gives a comparative overview of immunisation at different times in widely different parts of the world and under different types of political regime. Core themes in the chapters include immunisation as an element of state formation; citizens’ articulation of seeing (or not seeing) their needs incorporated into public health practice; allegations that development aid is inappropriately steering third-world health policies; and an ideological shift that treats vaccines as marketable and profitable commodities rather than as essential tools of public health. Throughout, the authors explore relationships among vaccination, vaccine-making, and the discourses and debates on citizenship and nationhood that have accompanied mass vaccination campaigns. The thoughtful investigations of vaccination in relation to state power, concepts of national identify (and sense of solidarity) and individual citizens’ sense of obligation to self and others are completed by an afterword by eminent historian of vaccination William Muraskin. Reflecting on the well-funded global initiatives which do not correspond to the needs of poor countries, Muraskin asserts that an elite fraternity of self-selected global health leaders has undermined the United Nations system of collective health policy determination by launching global disease eradication and immunisation programmes over the last twenty years.

Roberta Bivins

After the Second World War, major programmes of national recovery and reform across Europe built on pre-war precedents to develop universal systems of medical provision for their citizens. ‘Health’ or at least access to healthcare came to be seen, especially in Britain, as both a symbol of modern nationhood and a tool of social cohesion. The USA, by far the wealthiest and most productive nation to emerge from the war, rejected this approach. Historians and politicians have long sought the origins of this idiosyncrasy and the reasons for its persistence, focusing particularly on political and economic forces. But popular culture too has played an important role in US resistance to state interventions in the medical marketplace. This chapter explores the vexed association in Anglo-American discourse between governmental health provision, ‘socialism’ and the British NHS. Focusing specifically on how the US print media represented the NHS visually and rhetorically to the American public, the chapter suggests that the NHS became synonymous with ‘state medicine’ in US popular culture between 1948 and 1958. It then reflects on British responses, and asks why hostile American visions of a purely domestic British social institution provoked such strong reactions. The chapter argues that fierce British advocacy of the NHS at home and abroad envisioned the service itself as a necessary bulwark protecting the nation from communism in the fervid atmosphere of the early Cold War: welfare, in the form of the NHS, was warfare.

in Posters, protests, and prescriptions
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The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Open Access (free)
Why might history matter for development policy?
Ravi Kanbur

, and perhaps how other policies in turn get changed, or get influenced to be changed, by interest groups whose behaviour we hope to have modelled sufficiently accurately. Of course, encapsulated in the above are the divisions that dog economic analysis of development policy, even when all sides agree on the objective of development policy (for example, reducing infant mortality rates, rather than building a sense of and a pride in nationhood). Depending on assumptions of how markets behave, or how the political economy behaves, very different conclusions can be

in History, historians and development policy
Nico Randeraad

.   2 P. Maestri, Annuario economico e politico dell’Italia per l’anno 1852 (Turin 1852) and Id., Annuario economico-statistico dell’Italia per l’anno 1853 (Turin 1853).   3 Maestri, Annuario economico e statistico dell’Italia per l’anno 1853, v.   4 Cited in F. Sofia, Una scienza per l’amministrazione. Statistica ��������������������������������������� e pubblici apparati tra età rivoluzionaria e restaurazione (Rome 1988), p. 320.   5 M. Gioia, Filosofia della statistica (Milan 1826), iii.   6 Ibid., xi.   7 S. Patriarca, Numbers and Nationhood. Writing

in States and statistics in the nineteenth century
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Patrick Doyle

India, a discursive construction of national identity articulated the position of a community unevenly incorporated into an imperial economy. Economic ideas that offered a critique of prevailing socio-political conditions allowed anti-colonial activists to become the ‘authors of the political economy of nationhood’. 28 Some of the most effective authors of a national political economy in Ireland emerged from the co-operative movement. Irish co-operators differed from their counterparts in Britain in that they were more concerned with a culture of production over

in Civilising rural Ireland
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Heloise Brown

patriotism.’16 The common ground between these liberal perspectives and their Evangelical equivalents described above was a vision of universalism, a humanity that transcended all other considerations. Primarily, however, it was conceptions of international citizenship that gathered pace in the twentieth century and became more readily identified with feminist argument. Virginia Woolf ’s classic reformulation of women’s nationhood in Three Guineas epitomised this approach, and popularised the idea that women experienced their nationalism and patriotism in very different

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
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Catherine Hall

British Caribbean residents generally to chart their own destinies. 43 Arguments such as this were to be replayed throughout the rest of the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century, as brown, black and indeed white creolised West Indians claimed their rights to citizenship, self-government and nationhood. Island

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
The cultural construction of opposition to immunisation in India
Niels Brimnes

Rajagopalachari could accept being treated like American Indians or ‘dependent communities’! One of Rajagopalachari's many correspondents made the point even clearer: ‘The Britishers would never have done it, not even in Kenya’. 77 BCG was again seen as an act of betrayal, this time against the newly won nationhood. Immunisation as neo-colonial conspiracy After the BCG controversy died down towards the end of the 1950s, the following

in The politics of vaccination
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Julie Evans
Patricia Grimshaw
David Philips
, and
Shurlee Swain

. Following the recommendations of the Durham Report, the decades from the 1830s to 1910 saw the gradual extension to the settlers first of representative government, then of responsible government and, finally, after the colonies had travelled their separate roads to nationhood, of greater independence as British Dominions. This shift in power from central to more localised control by European systems of law and government was

in Equal subjects, unequal rights