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The Enlightenment and modernity
S.J. Barnett

the Church. Belief in an original Creator was part of the deistic view held by some enlightened writers who thought that God had not intervened in worldly affairs since Creation, so rendering the Church’s claim to mediation between divinity and humanity fraudulent. For such thinkers, evidence for God and a rational or ‘natural religion’ lay in the qualities (especially reason and conscience) of an unchanging human nature and the frame of nature itself. The understanding that there was a deist movement (sometimes termed freethinking movement) of some size in Europe

in The Enlightenment and religion
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French clerical reformers and episcopal status
Alison Forrestal

informed his conceptions of priesthood and episcopacy. In 1611, Bérulle founded the Congregation of the Oratory hoping, as he put it in his ‘Projet de l’érection de la Congrégation de l’Oratoire de Jésus’, to re-establish ‘virtue and perfection in the sacerdotal state’.12 This aspiration was the product of his evolving theology of priesthood which was based, above all, on the innate and magnificent dignity of the sacerdotal order. It, in turn, was directly related to the Christocentric nature of his thought and to his adoption of a modified Dionysian hierarchical

in Fathers, pastors and kings
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Roman ‘tyranny’ and radical Catholic opposition
S.J. Barnett

, overtly hostile relations with Rome could destabilize the complex and often fragile nature of political alliances in the peninsula. The Papal States – stretching from just above Pontecorvo south of Rome, sweeping north to cross the Appenines to Ascoli Piceno and up to Ferrara – constituted a geo-political entity of sufficient size that rulers of smallers independent states could not entirely ignore it. Thus, when circumstances were favourable the Curia could still act as at least a temporary focus for alliances, and thus exert influence within the peninsula. Some of the

in The Enlightenment and religion
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Hans Peter Broedel

ever been simple, but in the earlier Middle Ages most clerics would probably have accepted as their starting point Augustine’s view of a powerful but strictly limited devil.4 This orthodox Christian demon was a fallen angel, who retained his angelic nature despite the loss of grace, and whose aerial body, superhuman intellect, and vast experience enabled him to do wonderful things. He was, however, entirely separated from the divine, and could not perform true miracles or do anything truly supernatural: a demon was simply a creature created by God, differing from the

in The <i>Malleus Maleficarum</i> and the construction of witchcraft
Sabine Doering-Manteuffel and Stephan Bachter

control and govern nature. The dominance of theological world-views ceded considerable ground to secular intellectual concepts. Latin disappeared as the language of elite discourse. Increased educational provision provided access to sources of knowledge that were previously unattainable to all but a few. A market for books and newspapers, for journals and weeklies developed rapidly.1 More and more people lower down the social scale became increasingly involved in a literary culture. Accordingly, the ‘common’ people began to learn from their history. They were taught new

in Beyond the witch trials
S.J. Barnett

undoubtedly caused many to ask whether Jesus had ever intended Christian to fight Christian. The wars ended in 1648 with the Peace of Westphalia, by which time most rulers desired peace in which to recover from the protracted holocaust and reaffirm their rule. Thus historians have felt able to pronounce that the ‘Reformation age of astonishing religious development and upheaval, but also of religious darkness, was coming to a close’.14 This traditional explanation surrounding the nature and significance of the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century wars and conflicts, however

in The Enlightenment and religion
Owen Davies

The continued widespread belief in witchcraft and magic in nineteenth- and twentieth-century France has received considerable academic attention. Yet little of the relevant work has been published in English and, moreover, no thematic historical survey has yet been attempted to trace the continued social significance of witchcraft over the two centuries. As well as discussing the extent and nature of

in Witchcraft Continued
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Popular magic in modern Europe

The study of witchcraft accusations in Europe during the period after the end of the witch trials is still in its infancy. Witches were scratched in England, swum in Germany, beaten in the Netherlands and shot in France. The continued widespread belief in witchcraft and magic in nineteenth- and twentieth-century France has received considerable academic attention. The book discusses the extent and nature of witchcraft accusations in the period and provides a general survey of the published work on the subject for an English audience. It explores the presence of magical elements in everyday life during the modern period in Spain. The book provides a general overview of vernacular magical beliefs and practices in Italy from the time of unification to the present, with particular attention to how these traditions have been studied. By functioning as mechanisms of social ethos and control, narratives of magical harm were assured a place at the very heart of rural Finnish social dynamics into the twentieth century. The book draws upon over 300 narratives recorded in rural Finland in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that provide information concerning the social relations, tensions and strategies that framed sorcery and the counter-magic employed against it. It is concerned with a special form of witchcraft that is practised only amongst Hungarians living in Transylvania.

Duncan Sayer

prepared on the pyre, At the funeral pile he was easily seen, His tunic covered in blood) (Sebo, 2015 ) The circumstances dictated the nature of the ritual and its emphasis; it was designed by a wife and mother, with a focus on her brother. Had this mortuary drama been prepared by Hildeburh’s daughter-in-law it might have looked quite different. Rather than being cremated in the clothes they died in, they might have been dressed in new clothes and with identifiable gravegoods. The visibility of the injuries they inflicted on each other was important to

in Early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries
Hans Peter Broedel

, in Christina Larner’s apt phrase, witch-hunting actually woman-hunting?3 Or are Institoris and Sprenger basically right – that without any learned coaching, people more often accused women of witchcraft than men? In other words, is the gender bias of texts like the Malleus descriptive or prescriptive in nature? Many modern scholars incline toward the latter view, and look to medieval clerical misogyny, masculine anxieties about the changing social, economic, or familial roles of women, women’s control over proscribed medicinal or magical activities, or changing

in The <i>Malleus Maleficarum</i> and the construction of witchcraft