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Sabine Doering-Manteuffel and Stephan Bachter

control and govern nature. The dominance of theological world-views ceded considerable ground to secular intellectual concepts. Latin disappeared as the language of elite discourse. Increased educational provision provided access to sources of knowledge that were previously unattainable to all but a few. A market for books and newspapers, for journals and weeklies developed rapidly.1 More and more people lower down the social scale became increasingly involved in a literary culture. Accordingly, the ‘common’ people began to learn from their history. They were taught new

in Beyond the witch trials
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Witchcraft and the symbolics of hierarchy in late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century Finland
Raisa Maria Toivo

hierarchy in local as well as national contexts. In this discussion I will examine how the vocabulary and imagery of witchcraft and magic in the trials reflects the symbolics of social hierarchy as well as the basis and creation of hierarchies in peasant communities. First, however, a brief outline of witch trials in late seventeenthand early eighteenth-century Finland is necessary. From maleficium to benevolent magic In the late seventeenth century, as previous research has shown, there was a change in the number and nature of witchcraft accusations in Scandinavia. At a

in Beyond the witch trials
Brian Hoggard

manufacturers began mass-producing copies.8 The colloquial name for these stoneware bottles, ‘bellarmines’, seems to have evolved from tales told about Cardinal Bellarmine. It appears that some comparison between the mean face on the bottles and the perceived nature of the Cardinal was the satire here.9 By 1700 the popularity of imported stoneware drinking vessels had Counter-witchcraft and popular magic 171 waned and glass was becoming more commonplace. This is mirrored by the increased finds of glass witch-bottles during the eighteenth century, and it is glass, with only

in Beyond the witch trials
Marie Lennersand and Linda Oja

Responses to witchcraft in Sweden 67 community, with the church playing a key role. It was common for offenders to appear in church before his or her parishioners to express regret for having committed an offence, and thereby assure the community that they were reformed characters. That this was done in public was of importance, because it served both as a punishment and as a warning to others.20 With the accused witches of Rättvik the situation was unusual, as most of them were not convicted criminals, but due to the nature of the accusations made against them, it was

in Beyond the witch trials
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A male strategy
Soili-Maria Olli

6 Beyond the witch trials The Devil’s pact The Devil’s pact: a male strategy Soili-Maria Olli By the second half of the seventeenth century, as the witch trials reached their climax in Sweden, belief in the interventionist powers of the Devil had become not only a major preoccupation of the educated classes, but also seems to have considerably exercised the minds of the wider population, illiterate as well as literate. It is apparent, however, that different groups in society held different views as to the nature and consequences of dealing with the Devil

in Beyond the witch trials
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Beyond the witch trials
Owen Davies and Willem de Blécourt

awkward process of divorcing themselves from popular concerns and beliefs regarding witchcraft. This shift led, it would seem, to some considerable consternation amongst the witch-believing public as to what was and was not regarded as criminal. Yet while the criminal basis of witchcraft was increasingly undermined by legal circumspection regarding the nature of evidence, and broader intellectual scepticism concerning the reality of witchcraft, beneficial magic remained a crime even though it was rationalised according to intellectual developments. This is particularly

in Beyond the witch trials
Feijoo versus the ‘falsely possessed’ in eighteenth-century Spain
María Tausiet

they get disgusting and fetid smoke up their nostrils will be moved, will worry, will struggle and do all they can to move away. Why should it be necessary to resort to the possessive Devil?’ 56 That is the question, which in terms of pure logic, Feijoo himself might ask. But to doubt the real existence of the Devil would mean doubting the basic tenets of a faith, which in the monk’s case, allowed no cracks whatsoever. Feijoo resolved his contradictions by defending a Devil so powerful and so negatively shaped by nature that he has no need even to appear: The Devil

in Beyond the witch trials
Magic, witchcraft and Church in early eighteenth-century Capua
Augusto Ferraiuolo

, every document is a lie. This is why it is necessary to deconstruct the document as a cultural artefact with the purpose of analysing the nature of its production. Magic, witchcraft and Church in Capua 27 Writing as aporia (expression of doubt) The Inquisitional documents used in the following discussion consist of narratives describing instances of magical practices, and the reasons why people decided to denounce others who were involved in such activities. Before examining their content, it is necessary to consider the conditions of production via which the

in Beyond the witch trials
The discourse of spirits in Enlightenment Bristol
Jonathan Barry

of Keith Thomas and others regarding the ‘decline of magic’ and ‘secularisation’ of healing in the eighteenth century.6 Outwardly a typical enlightened humanitarian in a modern profession, Dyer’s own beliefs and medical activities, and those of the circle he moved in, with their extensive interests in electrical and chemical medicine, were shown to arise from their Pietist and anti-materialist philosophies, which attracted them to spiritual accounts of nature and its powers, as embodied in such movements as Hutchinsonianism, Behmenism and, later, Swedenborgianism

in Beyond the witch trials