the agenda of a source ( Hayden, 2018 : 15).
NGOs are not passive bystanders in this (dis)information landscape. They too engage in
strategic information campaigns and can mislead audiences with their content. A prominent
example in the 2000s was the Save Darfur Coalition, which used inflated mortality statistics to
raise awareness of the conflict in Darfur. These exaggerated claims were reproduced by many news
outlets in their reports of the conflict. The group also took out full-page newspaper adverts
alleging that Sudanese President, Omar
were two kinds of relief group: those who professed neutrality and the very few
who did not. The most prominent among the latter was Norwegian People’s Aid, which used to
run newspaper adverts stating that it wasn’t neutral like MSF and others, but that it
supported the rebels. It is understandable that mainline humanitarian groups working with
migrants don’t want to be so unequivocal. But sooner or later they will have to be, and
not just on the personal blogs of individual aid workers.
Humanitarianism has weathered many crises, and perhaps it
The conflicts in eastern DRC have been covered by both grands
reporters and by regional specialists (heading the
‘Africa’ section of the daily newspapers, or correspondents and
freelancers based in Goma, Kinshasa, Kigali or Nairobi). However, very few of
the conflicts have been covered by French defence specialists, in part due to
the recent lack of French military involvement in the DRC. 9 So I am talking primarily about regional
as a potential policy in the 2019 election, before being enacted by Boris Johnson in
June 2020 ( Riley, 2017 , 2019 ). Further to the right, UKIP has
frequently campaigned on removing the aid budget altogether ( Riley, 2015 ). Meanwhile, right-wing UK newspapers, notably
the Daily Mail , but also the Daily Telegraph and
the Sun among others, share an editorial line that is sceptical of
both government aid spending and INGO fundraising and spending ( vanHeerde-Hudson, 2014 ; Scott
studies of the genocide put major emphasis on the role of ideology in driving people to participate. Several works focused specifically on pro-regime newspapers and radio that were labelled ‘hate media’ and their diffusion of anti-Tutsi rhetoric ( Chrétien, 1995 ; Thompson, 2007 ). Drawing parallels to the anti-Semitic ideology tied to the Holocaust, the argument was that the ideology dehumanised the Tutsi, alienated them from the rest of the population, and fostered hatred that ultimately drove people to kill. Leave None to Tell includes a chapter on ‘Propaganda and
German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
, put Rackete on their cover. 8 While in Italy the media’s response was mixed, the German print and electronic media largely rallied behind Rackete, and were often critical not only of the Italian government but also of the European Union. Numerous newspapers published long feature articles about migrant deaths in the Mediterranean and the tussle between Salvini and Sea-Watch. While Salvini tried to make much of the fact that Rackete is German, most of the contributions in the German media avoided portraying the conflict in nationalistic terms.
Even Bild , the
Architecture, Building and Humanitarian Innovation
refugees was designed by a group of industrial designers in Stockholm between 2009
and 2013, and it is easy to confuse with architecture because it has been widely
praised by architectural correspondents in major newspapers and it won the
architectural category of the worldwide Design of the Year competition ( Scott-Smith, 2018b , 2019 ; Wainwright,
2017 ). No architects, however, were involved in its development. Even the
main designer admitted, when I interviewed him in 2017, that it
The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand,
and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that
violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state)
health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence
against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human
rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence
against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of
the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the
horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’
dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional
and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept
of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence
against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on
the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised
in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an
innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due
diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment).
The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the
ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).
belong to the vertical dimension, all the other behaviours that are criminalised consist in interpersonal violence.
3 P. Pettit, Republicanism. A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1997), p. 122.
4 Pettit (Republicanism, p. 48) recalls in his work Mary Astell’s words in the seventeenth century: ‘if all Men are born free, how is it that all Women are born Slaves?’
5 Pettit, Republicanism, p. 139.
6 Istanbul Convention, preamble.
7 The campaign was reported by major international newspapers. See, for example,
his paternity leave to write an extremely
aggressive statement in a major Indian newspaper on 28 December,
accusing critics of misrepresenting Facebook’s plans. 50 This backfired
spectacularly by raising the spectre of economic colonialism, which is a
very emotive issue for India, even 70 years after gaining independence
from the UK. Guha and Aulakh explain that