Weissman, 2016 ). In particular, the
authors criticised humanitarian organisations’ victim discourses – on the
alleged growing threats to their work – and pointed out the weaknesses of the
security-related statistics on which they relied. In the context of the
bureaucratisation of the sector, they emphasised the political dimension of security
management while introducing humanitarian action as a ‘prudential
occupation’. In so doing, they were calling for the restoration of the notion of
principles, this is an approach
underpinned by the depoliticisation of the cause of Palestinians’ displacement and
dispossession – the occupation of Palestinian territory by the state of Israel. In
essence, the deal is a ‘truly Trumpian solution’: ‘cash for peace instead
of land for peace… Peace will therefore be economic, rather than political… Their
hopes may be dead but their bank accounts will be in the black’ ( Fisk, 2018 ).
While UNRWA may be perceived as being at particular risk due to the financial precarity
resulting from the funding
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian
( 2018 ), ‘Injury and Death
during the ISIS Occupation of Mosul and Its Liberation: Results from a
40-Cluster Household Survey’ , Lafta
Maha A. ,
PLOS Medicine , 15 : 5 , doi:
tours to Western countries.) Yet, Iraq blamed the Kuwaitis and the Saudis for conniving to ruin the Iraqi economy by reducing oil prices and by insisting on quick repayment of Iraqi debts.
Iraq’s occupation of Kuwait in the summer of 1990 struck at a basic tenet of Turkey’s Middle East policy: support for the present division of the states in the region. Ankara regards any unification as a threat of overbearing Arab nationalism, foreshadowing an expansionist policy by the unified state. The same Turkish objection was felt towards the merging of
shift attention and resources away from its battle with the Soviet Union, the West took great pains to prevent Turkey from attacking Greece. This was no longer the case, and Greece could not depend on the West to protect it against Turkish aggression. Furthermore, the vacuum in the Balkans, following the collapse of communism, whetted Turkey’s appetite and encouraged it to try and regain its former position in the region. Remember, thundered George Papandreou, Greece’s Foreign Minister, that
Turkey has always justified its occupation of Cyprus by
trying to defend their rights. But a part of the Israeli people is insistent on stamping these efforts as “terrorism.” 29
Ankara insists that there is no resemblance between the Kurdish struggle for self-determination and the Palestinian one, nor any similarity between the two leaders, Ocalan and Arafat. Turks resent any comparisons (“ridiculous analogy,” “funny semblance”) between the occupation of the northern part of Cyprus and the Israeli one in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. They see, however, the attraction, particularly in Europe, in
2 May 1968 Violent clashes
occur between students and police in Paris.
17 May 1968 Protest marches
of students and workers in Paris and elsewhere in France; occupation of
factories by workers.
12 June 1968 French
government prohibits demonstrations and dissolves several student
27 April 1969 Referendum
government in the heart of the state, seems particularly suited to those models. The question of notions of ‘human’ rights versus citizen’s rights is also touched on briefly here.
The second case study discusses briefly the last twenty-five years of East Timor’s history, focusing on the context of Indonesia’s violent occupation and the forced pace of nation building, and touching on some of the issues of peace builidng in the new state. The discussion underlines the persistent failure to engage with the grassroots dynamics of circumstances in
fascism, including nazism. More particularly, it has been employed as a
legitimising principle and integrative idea by communist organisations and
regimes, including the Soviet occupation regime in Germany and the GDR,
based on the idea that fascism had been defeated primarily by the USSR and
communist resisters elsewhere. In the GDR, non-communist political parties
and social organisations such as the trade union and youth associations were
East Timor, with elections for a constituent assembly to determine a constitution expected in August 2001.
The following discussion looks in broad terms at the immediate background to Indonesia’s violent process of incorporation and the pattern of abuse that characterised it, and touches briefly some of the issues facing the new state. It does not focus on East Timor’s political struggles or the development of its contemporary political forms. As told here, the story of East Timor’s occupation underlines what in conceptual terms is a very simple