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The Khmer Rouge forbade the conduct of any funeral rites at the time of the death of the estimated two million people who perished during their rule (1975–79). Since then, however, memorials have been erected and commemorative ceremonies performed, both public and private, especially at former execution sites, known widely as the killing fields. The physical remains themselves, as well as images of skulls and the haunting photographs of prisoners destined for execution, have come to serve as iconic representations of that tragic period in Cambodian history and have been deployed in contested interpretations of the regime and its overthrow.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Overriding politics and injustices

In October 2011, twenty skulls of the Herero and Nama people were repatriated from Germany to Namibia. So far, fifty-five skulls and two human skeletons have been repatriated to Namibia and preparations for the return of more skulls from Germany were at an advanced stage at the time of writing this article. Nonetheless, the skulls and skeletons that were returned from Germany in the past have been disappointingly laden with complexities and politics, to such an extent that they have not yet been handed over to their respective communities for mourning and burials. In this context, this article seeks to investigate the practice of ‘anonymising’ the presence of human remains in society by exploring the art and politics of the Namibian state’s memory production and sanctioning in enforcing restrictions on the affected communities not to perform, as they wish, their cultural and ritual practices for the remains of their ancestors.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
The manifold materialities of human remains

In this article we explore the relational materiality of fragments of human cadavers used to produce DNA profiles of the unidentified dead at a forensic genetics police laboratory in Rio de Janeiro. Our point of departure is an apparently simple problem: how to discard already tested materials in order to open up physical space for incoming tissue samples. However, during our study we found that transforming human tissues and bone fragments into disposable trash requires a tremendous institutional investment of energy, involving negotiations with public health authorities, criminal courts and public burial grounds. The dilemma confronted by the forensic genetic lab suggests not only how some fragments are endowed with more personhood than others, but also how the very distinction between human remains and trash depends on a patchwork of multiple logics that does not necessarily perform according to well-established or predictable scripts.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

In contemporary forensic medicine, in India, the label of complete autopsy applies to a whole range of post-mortem examinations which can present consid- erable differences in view of the intellectual resources, time, personnel and material means they involve. From various sources available in India and elsewhere, stems the idea that, whatever the type of case and its apparent obviousness, a complete autopsy implies opening the abdomen, the thorax and the skull and dissecting the organs they contain. Since the nineteenth century, procedural approaches of complete autopsies have competed with a practical sense of completeness which requires doctors to think their cases according to their history. Relying on two case studies observed in the frame of an ethnographic study of eleven months in medical colleges of North India, the article suggests that the practical completeness of autopsies is attained when all aspects of the history of the case are made sense of with regard to the observation of the body. Whereas certain autopsies are considered obvious and imply a reduced amount of time in the autopsy room, certain others imply successive redefinitions of what complete implies and the realisation of certain actions which would not have been performed otherwise.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Open Access (free)
Respectable resistance (coups de gueule polis)

. His conclusion is illustrative of the often performative nature of resistance during this occupation: as long as he had refused the Germans’ order and was not seen to acquiesce, he was willing to allow the Germans to take the metal. This was, however, not enough for the Germans, who imprisoned Fanyau. He died upon entering his cell, two days after writing the letter.18 The cause of death is unclear. The notion of respectability visible in Fanyau’s letter was important even during the invasion. In the aforementioned incident on 5 September 1914, during the Germans

in The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914– 18
Open Access (free)

’s Commonwealth throne had barely survived an Australian referendum on the monarchy, the pro-monarchy vote beating out the republican cause by only a few percentage points. 15 During one carefully planned encounter on this visit, the Queen and Prince Philip met a group of natives wearing loin cloths and body paint at the Tjapukai Aboriginal Culture Park, where a fire-lighting ceremony was performed for their benefit. Prince

in Royal tourists, colonial subjects and the making of a British world, 1860–1911
Open Access (free)
The use of character evidence in Victorian sodomy trials

sort of man capable of committing this sort of offence and, if possible, to demonstrate that his accusers were the sorts of persons whose accusations could not be trusted. Character evidence had a protean nature – it might speak either to the individual’s reputation or to his mental state. In the context of trials for homosexual offences during the nineteenth century, however, character evidence did not perform the same function for the prosecution and the defence. Evidence of ‘bad character’ could discredit an accuser, by suggesting that he was morally or mentally

in Domestic and international trials, 1700–2000
Open Access (free)

the twelfth century the countesses of Chester performed various functions at both the honor and royal courts, and shows that there was continuity in an active public role from marriage to widowhood, a role which seems to have been normal and accepted. Through the twelfth century there was usually a change in level of activity rather than in function as the countesses moved through the stages of the female life cycle. They were supportive of their husbands during marriage, and then were representative and supportive of their sons during widowhood. Their religious

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
witchcraft on the borderline of religion and magic

of bewitchment: witchcraft is not just an accusation . 5 People either perform it themselves or have it performed by someone else. This is what Willem de Blécourt has termed ‘practised witchcraft’ or ‘active bewitchment’, and what Per Sörlin defined as ‘maleficent witchcraft’. 6 In this environment maleficium is a practice dispensing justice and restoring order, performed as a response to misfortunes. It fulfils the

in Witchcraft Continued
Emergency nursing in the Indian Mutiny

a strong female presence in British India at this time in relation to the ‘civilising mission’ of British colonialism in India, and indeed the presence of British women and children in India stemmed from a shift in colonial policy in the early part of the nineteenth century that emphasised the presence of soldiers’ and administrators’ families for various socially performative and practical reasons. Klaver explains that the rationale behind this shift in practice was that the soldiers themselves would be comforted by the presence of their wives and children during

in Colonial caring