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Reconstruction and reconciliation; confrontation and oppression
Kjell M. Torbiörn

1951 by founding the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). After attempts to set up a European Defence Community and a European Political Community failed in 1954, negotiations between the ‘Six’ (belonging to the overall successful ECSC) in 1957 led to the creation of the European Economic Community (EEC). However, West European integration projects and Central and Eastern European adaptation to Soviet communism were overshadowed (and intensified) by pronounced East–West tensions, as expressed in the 1950–53 Korean War, the formal division of Germany into two

in Destination Europe
Anuschka Tischer

(Ostfildern: Thorbecke Verlag, 2014). 26 Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation serve as a kind of model for research on subsidies in diplomatic and political terms. There are a number of particular connections between the two: there is no clear concept, but the notion is used in multiple ways; the notion is used for personal or state relations, for a practice inside political communities, and for external relations; the notion and practice do change during the early modern period, and this change is significant for the state-building process and for an understanding

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Justin Champion

that conferred status and credit on this learning, and the diverse political communities that employed and used this credit, meant that Toland acted as a mediator and intermediary between, and across, a number of social, geographical and political spaces. One moment he might be flirting with Sophia Charlotte in Berlin, while another he can be seen defending his reputation from frontal assault by Convocation. In another context he can be observed in clandestine communication with Eugene of Savoy, while writing diplomatic reports for Harley. In all of these moments

in Republican learning
Open Access (free)
Sue Thomas

’s patronym (which means dark man or boy in French) essentialises the anxieties that structure his career in his racial ancestry. The narrator’s refusal of assumptions of political community, his resistance to being seen as ‘part of Lebrun’s revolution’, ‘an expression of Lebrun’s will’, 84 is realised in his inability to eat the food served to him among Lebrun’s admirers

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
Open Access (free)
Smoke as urban life in early modern London
William Cavert

contain may more often lie dormant in this way than do images of political, religious or ethnic groups. Early modern London was both a physical space – the walled city and its extramural suburbs – and also a political community – the chartered Corporation of London with its institutions and privileges. 11 The coherence of Londoners as a meaningful group, however, was undercut by several factors. First, the legal and political borders of the city were not entirely clear, as its many livery companies enjoyed privileges and

in Stereotypes and stereotyping in early modern England
Nico Randeraad

of the working class on the basis of questionnaires would usher in a new age of statistical practice. Once the public authorities had officially recognised statistics, ‘people would feel the need to go further, to plumb the depths of the social order, with the aim of researching everything of importance to the political community or the circumstances of its members, particularly those who are exposed most to suffering and deprivation’.41 Visschers made reference to England where, he claimed, research into workers’ circumstances had originated. His proposal was

in States and statistics in the nineteenth century
The Rotuli de Dominabus et Pueris et Puellis de XII Comitatibus of 1185
Susan M. Johns

–28, at pp. 21–8. S. L. Waugh, The Lordship of England: Royal Wardships and Marriages in English Society and Politics, 1217–1327 (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), p. 119. 8 T. Keefe, Feudal Assessments and the Political Community under Henry II and his Sons (Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 1983), p. 118. Milsom argued that Henry II merely tried to make feudal society work according to its own rules: Milsom, ‘Inheritance by women’; see, for example, the discussion of women inheriting, pp. 64–9. 9 Gillingham, Angevin Empire, pp. 55–9. 10

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
The first child-witch in Rothenburg, 1587
Alison Rowlands

taken leave of one another that night amicably. Matters went differently the next night, however, as the Hilgartshausen Gemeinde – all the male household heads, constituting the formal political community of the village – were gathered in the tavern for a communal drinking session. At the end of the evening Dolman had woken Stoll and told him that he should be helping to organise the settling of the bill. Stoll had reacted angrily, and possibly drunkenly, to this implied dereliction of duty, and accused Dolman of having called his wife a witch the night before. Dolman

in Witchcraft narratives in Germany
Open Access (free)
John Toland and print and scribal communities
Justin Champion

collection of 1726. Only four of the texts remain obscure. Who were these men and women bound together in intellectual intimacy by Toland? A prosopographical study of the people identified on the ‘lent list’ establishes that at the same time as moving amongst European figures, Toland belonged to a circle at the heart of elite Whiggism. It was one of Toland’s skills to be able to fabricate, participate and move between these divergent intellectual, social and political communities. Of the list of twelve people, with some exceptions, the majority are unknown to mainstream

in Republican learning
Open Access (free)
Milton, Harrington and the Williamite monarchy, 1698–1714
Justin Champion

simple evidence of Toland’s singular role, but of his involvement in a much broader political community. Some of these men were also part of a more private circle of influence and conversation. Although the works were produced with significant public support from leading political figures like Shaftesbury, Newcastle, Molesworth and Harley they courted immediate controversy. In particular, Toland’s edition of Milton ‘the great Anti-monarchist’, and more specifically his biography of the apologist of the Republic, sparked off a fierce response from Churchmen concerned to

in Republican learning