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Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design
Mark Duffield

:// . 8 An international research initiative run by the Development Learning Programme based at the University of Birmingham. See: . 9 By the same token, elites must have super-brains. 10 Since the mid 2000s, there has been a growing number of computer games and software programmes that claim to allow interested parties to experience what it is like to be a refugee or subject to a disaster. The Darfur content on Google Layers, for example, was an early attempt to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Israel and a Palestinian state
Lenore G. Martin

disaffection of Israeli Palestinians with the Israeli regime ( Amara, 2000 ). 20 So the Palestinian minority within Israel could become alienated from both political communities. Ethnic and religious tolerance National security does not require ethnic and religious homogeneity or cohesiveness. What it does require is that differentiated ethnic and religious groups avoid internecine

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Problematising the normative connection
Eşref Aksu

). 35 In his discussion of human rights, Ruggie points to the importance of interests and context: ‘Human rights are more than a mere rationalization of structures of power. Yet their international normative status remains closely dependent upon the projection of power, the defense of interests, and the nature of political community existing among states

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
New threats, institutional adaptations
James Sperling

significant barrier posed by the unilateralist impulses and unipolar fantasies of American diplomacy. Notes 1 See Halford Mackinder, ‘The Geographical Pivot of History’, Geographical Journal, 23:4 (1904), pp. 421–44. 2 See Karl W. Deutsch et al., Political Community and the North Atlantic Area: International Organizations in the Light of Historical Experience (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1953). A good introduction to the current debate is found in Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett (eds), Security Communities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 3

in Limiting institutions?
Brent E. Sasley

political community of some sort’ ( 1997 : 9). From this, the realists took the notion that political community referred only to states, since they were the most important actors in the international system and the primary referent objects of security. 5 By designating states as ‘black boxes’, realism ignores the series of complex interactions within states, and the ‘individual’ nature of people, or

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Raymond Hinnebusch

states were sometimes recruited and supported by revisionist states, chiefly Nasser’s Egypt; but this was a struggle over the balance of political opinion, not a contest of military forces, and arguably, such conduct was borderline between what would be expected in a states system and what would be acceptable in a political community. Walt rightly argues that, even at the height of Pan-Arabism, balancing against the Egyptian hegemon was pervasive within the Arab world, at the expense of co-operation for common interests. This was practised not

in The international politics of the Middle East