://bsc.cid.harvard.edu/doing-development-differently . 8 An international research initiative run by the Development Learning Programme based at the
University of Birmingham. See: www.dlprog.org/research/thinking-and-working-politically-community-of-practice.php . 9 By the same token, elites must have super-brains. 10 Since the mid 2000s, there has been a growing number of computer games and software
programmes that claim to allow interested parties to experience what it is like to be a refugee
or subject to a disaster. The Darfur content on Google Layers, for example, was an early
disaffection of Israeli Palestinians with the Israeli regime ( Amara, 2000 ). 20 So the
Palestinian minority within Israel could become alienated from both
Ethnic and religious
National security does not require
ethnic and religious homogeneity or cohesiveness. What it does require
is that differentiated ethnic and religious groups avoid internecine
In his discussion of human rights, Ruggie points
to the importance of interests and context: ‘Human rights
are more than a mere rationalization of structures of
power. Yet their international normative status remains closely
dependent upon the projection of power, the defense of interests,
and the nature of politicalcommunity existing among states
significant barrier posed by the unilateralist impulses and unipolar
fantasies of American diplomacy.
1 See Halford Mackinder, ‘The Geographical Pivot of History’, Geographical Journal,
23:4 (1904), pp. 421–44.
2 See Karl W. Deutsch et al., PoliticalCommunity and the North Atlantic Area:
International Organizations in the Light of Historical Experience (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1953). A good introduction to the current debate is
found in Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett (eds), Security Communities
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).
politicalcommunity of some sort’ ( 1997 : 9). From this, the realists took the
notion that politicalcommunity referred only to states, since they were
the most important actors in the international system and the primary
referent objects of security. 5 By designating states as ‘black
boxes’, realism ignores the series of complex interactions within
states, and the ‘individual’ nature of people, or
states were sometimes recruited and supported by revisionist states, chiefly Nasser’s Egypt; but this was a struggle over the balance of political opinion, not a contest of military forces, and arguably, such conduct was borderline between what would be expected in a states system and what would be acceptable in a politicalcommunity.
Walt rightly argues that, even at the height of Pan-Arabism, balancing against the Egyptian hegemon was pervasive within the Arab world, at the expense of co-operation for common interests. This was practised not