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The introduction outlines the book’s scope and addresses the central questions raised by the included chapters: when, how and why are bodies hidden or exhibited, and what is their effect, either desired or unintended, on various political, cultural or religious practices? With explicit reference to each chapter, a historic and disciplinary background will be presented, raising issues such as the increased application of forensic sciences on the discovered dead body, the emergence of debates surrounding necro-political strategies by states and political communities, and the economy and chain of custody over human remains resulting from historic and contemporary forms of violence.
emphatically nationalistic forms of political community and by crafting a vision of postnational political community as the normative potential of our age. One of the markers of critical theory, as Habermas understood it, was to recognise that overcoming antisemitism lies at the centre of any worthwhile project of European reconstruction. 12 Jürgen Habermas: antisemitism and the postnational project Habermas conceived the postnational
synchronized with the digital one. One thing is certain: Weber’s fears have not materialized, although repeated by Richard Harvey Brown, who related them to the ‘paradigm of cybernetics’ and claimed that in this paradigm ‘the vocabularies of personal agency, ethical accountability, and political community have atrophied’ (Brown, 1978: 375). True, the prevailing human emotions are those of irritation and anger, but the sense of humiliation has diminished, and personal agency, ethical accountability, and political community are still relevant. Another thing is certain: there
Relations , 84–6; M. Walzer, ‘The Rights of Political Communities’, in C. R. Beitz et al. (eds), International Ethics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 178–9; Ellis, ‘Utilitarianism and International Ethics’, 166–7. 106 Michael Doyle, in a perceptive article on Mill and Walzer, has come up with five points and we have taken on board three of them. See M. W. Doyle, ‘A
re-constitution of singlehood into a social category that one may wish to identify with—and form a political community with—can positively yield material and discursive changes. Here, I join DePaulo (2006), Reynolds (2008), and Moran (2004)4 in their call for the politicization of singlehood and the need for a nuanced feminist engagement with the concept. This book is also a call for such needed intervention. In this vein, some recent developments may inspire the hope of social change. At the time of writing, the 2016 American presidential election campaign was
throwing flowers at the funeral cortege of Diana Princess of Wales. 10 The history of the population within the changing borders of the political communities of the British Isles is of continuous conflict and shifting relations between a democratic identity and a ruler's identity, with the latter slowly and unevenly distinguishing itself increasingly by its exceptional exemplification of the associative identity shared with those whom the ruler aspires to lead. It will illustrate the dual nature of identity cultivation, whereby on
community, the political community and the academic community. But we aim at making the discourse on the politics of science available and accessible to the general public, attempting to explain how decisions that affect us all are taken, and thus how science and politics function in contemporary society, and perhaps how they could and should function. This book includes contributions by some of those who participated in the last Congress, as well as contributions by others who joined later. Obviously, the original papers have substantially changed, because a lot has
, Plaatje, all too aware of the legal dispossession ushered in by the Land Act, is more concerned with the literal unfreedom of an impoverished family to conduct a consecrated burial anywhere. If Plaatje’s politics emphasise material over existential dispossession, they also emphasise that the loss of one African life is a loss to all African political community; that all lives carry equal value. This deliberately if subtly criticises the casual elitism that characterises Du Bois’s account, for instance when Du Bois rhetorically asks of Death: Are there so many workers in
L. Renault, Introduction à l’étude du droit international (Paris: L. Larose, 1879), 21–2. 68 Ibid ., 23. 69 J. Lorimer, The Institutes of the Law of Nations: A Treatise of the Jural Relations of Separate Political Communities (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and Sons, 1883, 1884), vol. I, 101–2; and vol. II, 51, 54
Wilson, President of the United States, and Lenin, leader of the Bolshevik Revolution, were opposed in almost every other respect, but converged over the existence of this right. 48 Arendt did not disagree but she drew attention to the reshaping of the political landscape on which this right was premised. While in its republican form the state had defined the nation in terms of common citizenship in a bounded political community, post-imperial nationalist movements