The introduction outlines the book’s scope and addresses the central questions raised by the included chapters: when, how and why are bodies hidden or exhibited, and what is their effect, either desired or unintended, on various political, cultural or religious practices? With explicit reference to each chapter, a historic and disciplinary background will be presented, raising issues such as the increased application of forensic sciences on the discovered dead body, the emergence of debates surrounding necro-political strategies by states and political communities, and the economy and chain of custody over human remains resulting from historic and contemporary forms of violence.
emphatically nationalistic forms of politicalcommunity and by crafting a
vision of postnational politicalcommunity as the normative potential of our age.
One of the markers of critical theory, as Habermas understood it, was to recognise
that overcoming antisemitism lies at the centre of any worthwhile project of
European reconstruction. 12
Jürgen Habermas: antisemitism and the postnational
Habermas conceived the postnational
84–6; M. Walzer, ‘The Rights of PoliticalCommunities’, in C.
R. Beitz et al. (eds), International Ethics (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1985), 178–9; Ellis, ‘Utilitarianism and
International Ethics’, 166–7.
Michael Doyle, in a perceptive article on Mill and Walzer,
has come up with five points and we have taken on board three of them. See M. W.
synchronized with the digital
one. One thing is certain: Weber’s fears have not materialized,
although repeated by Richard Harvey Brown, who related them to
the ‘paradigm of cybernetics’ and claimed that in this paradigm
‘the vocabularies of personal agency, ethical accountability, and
politicalcommunity have atrophied’ (Brown, 1978: 375). True, the
prevailing human emotions are those of irritation and anger, but
the sense of humiliation has diminished, and personal agency, ethical
accountability, and politicalcommunity are still relevant.
Another thing is certain: there
re-constitution of singlehood
into a social category that one may wish to identify with—and form a politicalcommunity with—can positively yield material and discursive changes. Here, I join
DePaulo (2006), Reynolds (2008), and Moran (2004)4 in their call for the politicization of singlehood and the need for a nuanced feminist engagement with the concept.
This book is also a call for such needed intervention.
In this vein, some recent developments may inspire the hope of social change. At
the time of writing, the 2016 American presidential election campaign was
throwing flowers at the funeral cortege of Diana Princess of Wales. 10
The history of the population within the changing borders of the politicalcommunities of the British Isles is of continuous conflict and shifting relations between a democratic identity and a ruler's identity, with the latter slowly and unevenly distinguishing itself increasingly by its exceptional exemplification of the associative identity shared with those whom the ruler aspires to lead. It will illustrate the dual nature of identity cultivation, whereby on
a democracy-to-be . . . have no doubt or mental reservations as to which
politicalcommunity they belong to . . . [and] the people cannot decide
until someone decides who are the people’.53
A further problem in multinational states, as Smith notes, ‘is how
to counter domination by either nationalist-minded minorities or the
majority national group’. One answer for those who advocate a liberal
federation ‘is to prioritise the individual rights of citizens regardless of
their ethnic or national affiliation’.54 For as O’Donnell rightly observes:
negotiation and contestation. This is not just the simple and obvious observation that ‘the
Centre’ means different things in different countries, e.g. the Swedish
Centre is still highly redistributive, whereas the American Centre eschews
income equality; it is the point that even within particular politicalcommunities the Centre is a fractured alliance of forces that push and pull in
opposing ideological directions. The Centre, then, is everywhere a multiplicity of ‘Centres’ and the agenda promoted by the NSD (where politics
is reduced to managerial efficiency) is not
leave us in a moral darkness, as there are still ways in which we can negotiate a way through the various dilemmas carefully and systematically:
namely, by bringing the relevant groups together in a politicalcommunity of discourse and dialogue. In Chapter 9, then, I will say something
about deliberative democracy and why it offers a means of dealing with
the kind of complex issues that cannot be automatically read off from
A model of ecowelfare
Ecowelfare involves reference to the
Wilson, President of the United States, and Lenin,
leader of the Bolshevik Revolution, were opposed in almost every other respect,
but converged over the existence of this right. 48 Arendt did not disagree but she drew attention to the
reshaping of the political landscape on which this right was premised. While in
its republican form the state had defined the nation in terms of common
citizenship in a bounded politicalcommunity, post-imperial nationalist movements