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The introduction outlines the book’s scope and addresses the central questions raised by the included chapters: when, how and why are bodies hidden or exhibited, and what is their effect, either desired or unintended, on various political, cultural or religious practices? With explicit reference to each chapter, a historic and disciplinary background will be presented, raising issues such as the increased application of forensic sciences on the discovered dead body, the emergence of debates surrounding necro-political strategies by states and political communities, and the economy and chain of custody over human remains resulting from historic and contemporary forms of violence.

in Human remains in society
Jürgen Habermas and the European left

emphatically nationalistic forms of political community and by crafting a vision of postnational political community as the normative potential of our age. One of the markers of critical theory, as Habermas understood it, was to recognise that overcoming antisemitism lies at the centre of any worthwhile project of European reconstruction. 12 Jürgen Habermas: antisemitism and the postnational project Habermas conceived the postnational

in Antisemitism and the left

Relations , 84–6; M. Walzer, ‘The Rights of Political Communities’, in C. R. Beitz et al. (eds), International Ethics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 178–9; Ellis, ‘Utilitarianism and International Ethics’, 166–7. 106 Michael Doyle, in a perceptive article on Mill and Walzer, has come up with five points and we have taken on board three of them. See M. W. Doyle, ‘A

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century

synchronized with the digital one. One thing is certain: Weber’s fears have not materialized, although repeated by Richard Harvey Brown, who related them to the ‘paradigm of cybernetics’ and claimed that in this paradigm ‘the vocabularies of personal agency, ethical accountability, and political community have atrophied’ (Brown, 1978: 375). True, the prevailing human emotions are those of irritation and anger, but the sense of humiliation has diminished, and personal agency, ethical accountability, and political community are still relevant. Another thing is certain: there

in Overwhelmed by overflows?
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Another time

re-constitution of singlehood into a social category that one may wish to identify with—and form a political community with—can positively yield material and discursive changes. Here, I join DePaulo (2006), Reynolds (2008), and Moran (2004)4 in their call for the politicization of singlehood and the need for a nuanced feminist engagement with the concept. This book is also a call for such needed intervention. In this vein, some recent developments may inspire the hope of social change. At the time of writing, the 2016 American presidential election campaign was

in A table for one
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throwing flowers at the funeral cortege of Diana Princess of Wales. 10 The history of the population within the changing borders of the political communities of the British Isles is of continuous conflict and shifting relations between a democratic identity and a ruler's identity, with the latter slowly and unevenly distinguishing itself increasingly by its exceptional exemplification of the associative identity shared with those whom the ruler aspires to lead. It will illustrate the dual nature of identity cultivation, whereby on

in Cultivating political and public identity

citizens in a democracy-to-be . . . have no doubt or mental reservations as to which political community they belong to . . . [and] the people cannot decide until someone decides who are the people’.53 A further problem in multinational states, as Smith notes, ‘is how to counter domination by either nationalist-minded minorities or the majority national group’. One answer for those who advocate a liberal federation ‘is to prioritise the individual rights of citizens regardless of their ethnic or national affiliation’.54 For as O’Donnell rightly observes: ‘Citizenship can

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
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negotiation and contestation. This is not just the simple and obvious observation that ‘the Centre’ means different things in different countries, e.g. the Swedish Centre is still highly redistributive, whereas the American Centre eschews income equality; it is the point that even within particular political communities the Centre is a fractured alliance of forces that push and pull in opposing ideological directions. The Centre, then, is everywhere a multiplicity of ‘Centres’ and the agenda promoted by the NSD (where politics is reduced to managerial efficiency) is not

in After the new social democracy

not leave us in a moral darkness, as there are still ways in which we can negotiate a way through the various dilemmas carefully and systematically: namely, by bringing the relevant groups together in a political community of discourse and dialogue. In Chapter 9, then, I will say something about deliberative democracy and why it offers a means of dealing with the kind of complex issues that cannot be automatically read off from political principles. TZP6 4/25/2005 4:53 PM Page 129 A model of ecowelfare 129 Conclusion Ecowelfare involves reference to the

in After the new social democracy
Hannah Arendt’s Jewish writings

Wilson, President of the United States, and Lenin, leader of the Bolshevik Revolution, were opposed in almost every other respect, but converged over the existence of this right. 48 Arendt did not disagree but she drew attention to the reshaping of the political landscape on which this right was premised. While in its republican form the state had defined the nation in terms of common citizenship in a bounded political community, post-imperial nationalist movements

in Antisemitism and the left