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The changing scale of warfare and the making of early colonial South Asia
Manu Sehgal

Scale of warfare in early colonial South Asia 4 Towards a political economy of conquest: the changing scale of warfare and the making of early colonial South Asia Manu Sehgal Continuity and change in colonial war- and state-making War-making and state-making have been understood to be closely interrelated and have been studied as such for the early modern period. The ‘bellicist’ origins of the modern nation state have continued to attract cross-disciplinary attention following Charles Tilly’s influential formulation ‘war made the state and the state made war’.1

in A global history of early modern violence
David Hume’s History of England
Ben Dew

T H E E N D O F E C O N O M I C S T A T E C R A F T 169 9 The end of economic statecraft: David Hume’s History of England The chronologies of David Hume’s career as a political economist and his career as a historian are closely intertwined.1 Political Discourses, the collection of essays containing his principal contribution to political economy, was published in January 1752.2 The work went on to secure Hume a Europe-wide reputation as a writer on economic affairs and was, as he noted in his autobiography, his only book ‘successful on the first

in Commerce, finance and statecraft
Patrick Doyle

these developments were eye-catching, this focus overlooks the way in which radical change had been gestating at the mundane level at which the co-operative movement primarily operated and through which it contributed to a new nationalist political economy. The split between the DATI and IAOS highlighted the intersection of political and economic ideas within Irish nationalism that became more prominent after the 1916 Easter Rising. The nominal wrangle over funding exposed two incompatible governmental visions for rural development at play before the outbreak of the

in Civilising rural Ireland
Open Access (free)
The co-operative movement, development and the nation-state, 1889–1939
Author: Patrick Doyle

Civilising Rural Ireland examines how modern Ireland emerged out of the social and economic transformation prompted by the rural co-operative movement. The movement emerged in response to systemic economic problems that arose throughout the nineteenth century and coincided with a wide-ranging project of cultural nationalism. Within a short space of time the co-operative movement established a swathe of creameries, agricultural societies and credit societies, leading to a radical reorganisation of rural Ireland and helping to create a distinctive Irish political economy. The work of overlooked co-operative experts is critically examined for the first time and reinserted into the process of state development. The interventions of these organisers, intellectuals and farmers built up key institutions that shaped everyday life across rural communities. The movement weathered war and revolution, to become an indispensable part of an Irish state infrastructure after independence in 1922. The strained relationship and economic rivalry that developed between Irish and British co-operators is also explored in order to illuminate the changing relationship between Ireland and the United Kingdom from an economic perspective. Civilising Rural Ireland will appeal to a wide audience interested in modern Irish history and readers are introduced to an eclectic range of personalities who shared an interest in co-operation and whose actions possessed important consequences for the way Ireland developed. The creative use of local and national sources, many of which are examined for the first time, mean the book offers a new perspective on an important period in the making of modern Ireland.

Sabine Clarke

Sugar research was only one of a large number of new projects created with the passing of the 1940 Colonial Development and Welfare Act. The Act included a Research Fund that made the Colonial Office the second largest sponsor of civil scientific research in Britain. Scientists and officials spoke of the need to use the Research Fund to support more ‘fundamental research’. The key value that informed the new arrangements intended to expand fundamental research was ‘freedom’. Scientists at the Colonial Office claimed that for the highest quality research to occur, scientists had to be free to choose their own research problems. When it came to sponsoring sugar research as the basis for new industry, freedom was also key. The Colonial Office formed a Colonial Products Research Council to fund research into the basic reactions of sugar, avoiding narrowly defined problems that directly related to the work of any individual firm. Researchers would pursue research of the broadest possible nature, leaving individual companies to apply the results according to their interests. In this way, state-sponsored research would not contravene the principles of liberal political economy.

in Science at the end of empire
Open Access (free)
Why might history matter for development policy?
Ravi Kanbur

(that is to say, without the policy of specific interest) the policy is introduced and the consequences are worked out given the model of the economy specified earlier. Those in the new political economy school might also try to endogenize the policy choice itself, by in turn modelling the policy and political process, the incentives of the different players (interest groups). In this setting, the consequences of introducing a policy might be very different, since over and above how individuals, households, etc., react to the policy is how the policy gets implemented

in History, historians and development policy

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.

Open Access (free)
Natural resources and development – which histories matter?
Mick Moore

downgrading the general historical significance of natural resource endowments is not well founded. The political economy of a given state’s primary source of revenue continues to matter, especially so if that revenue comes from a resource readily able to be controlled by unaccountable elites. A second lies in the ambiguity of the notion of ‘institutions’ as drivers of economic growth, and the impossibility, to date, of testing that proposition such that it can be distinguished from some version of ‘politics matters’ (Toye 1995, Woodruff 2000). The most widespread

in History, historians and development policy
Open Access (free)
Patrick Doyle

exploring the intellectual development of the co-operative movement, it has been shown that the political economy of co-operation affected the development of Irish nationalism in the early twentieth century. One way in which Sinn Féin nationalists differentiated themselves from their constitutionalist rivals who dominated Irish politics was in the attitude towards co-operative societies. Sinn Féin's appropriation of a pro-co-operative position positioned the party as sympathetic to the socio-economic concerns of the farming population. Before the

in Civilising rural Ireland
John Marriott

moderns over the ancients. This spirit had pushed back the boundaries of knowledge, and paved the way for future progress. Providentialism, however, was neither as pervasive nor as powerful as he suggests; in one neglected area crucial to Britain’s ascent, namely, political economy, divine will featured much less prominently. 4 The rise of commercial society and the attendant problems of liberal governmentality demanded more

in The other empire