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Alistair Cole

terms, the FN had a corrosive impact on all existing parties, especially insofar as it skilfully exploited the theme of the political corruption of the pro-system parties, the RPR, UDF and PS. From faction to party One of the most striking developments of the 1980s and 1990s was the rise of internal factionalism in almost all major political formations. There is nothing new about party factionalism. Divisions within parties were inherent in the parliamentary organisation of the Third and Fourth Republics. In the Fifth Republic, the modern PS was reconstructed after

in The French party system
Enver Kisriev

’, but part of Russia) Republics. In the course of this long period of Chechen and Ingush political formations, the political status of Dagestan did not change once. The existing difference between Dagestan and Chechnya in the period of communist leadership was also that in Dagestan throughout the whole of its Republican status the highest leaders were, as a rule, representatives of the core nationalities. In the early years after the Revolution and in the period of pre-war economic development in Dagestan, the key posts were given to representatives of local peoples

in Potentials of disorder
Jurgette Honculada and Rosalinda Pineda Ofreneo

Movement of New Filipino Women). But this nascent feminist group had to yield to the exigencies of underground resistance to a dictatorship in the early 1970s. In the 1980s second-wave feminists would largely come from mixed groups such as political formations, people’s movements and women-only NGOs. All were critical of martial law and some of the more politically minded shared a socialist perspective. This created a tension with women’s groups that had made peace with the establishment or kept their silence vis-à-vis martial law. In the great divide between those for

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Ben Clift

per cent in January 1993 did little to dampen ecologist hopes (Boy, 1993:161). In the context of the declining electoral fortunes of the PS and adverse public opinion, a factional debate between Mauroy (First Secretary from 1988 to 1992) and Fabius (First Secretary PS intra-party politics and party system change 49 after Mauroy’s resignation in 1992) centred on how to approach this new political formation. The debate had two dimensions. On the one hand, it concerned contingent relations between the two parties, involving traditional debates about whether to sign

in The French party system
Will Leggett

least, unconvincing. It is from the Left’s criticism that the idea of the Third Way as smokescreen has gained greater purchase. Much of this can be seen in the broadly Marxist tradition of viewing changing political formations and projects as masking enduring social relations. These consist in ongoing capitalist domination and exploitation, as social forms are restructured in the

in The Third Way and beyond
Tarik Kochi

up and developed by Frantz Fanon ( 1968 ). In another sense, the hypocrisy of Hegel's position can be seen to continue today not simply at a level of global racial politics, but in the ideological non-recognition of particular states, political formations and forms of life. We can think of how in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries the dominant, global hegemonic power, the

in Recognition and Global Politics
John Narayan

all humans and reap the benefits of social intelligence. However, this brought Dewey back to the problem of bourgeois democracy and the eclipse of the public within the nation state and how bourgeois democracy as an economic, cultural and political formation was fundamentally at odds with creative democracy within and beyond the state. The main problem that Dewey identified with bourgeois democracy and its influence on global democracy is that the material and cultural inequalities engendered by liberal capitalism are the product of the hegemonic cultural ideas of

in John Dewey
Open Access (free)
How anarchism still matters
Jonathan Purkis and James Bowen

inadvertently lead to reform is merely one particular outcome of many possible ones. So far we have suggested that anarchism frequently has an influence that is sometimes under-acknowledged. This builds on David Graeber’s (2002) point that anarchism is the heart beating at the centre of the alternative globalisation networks, a notion that has been picked up by several of our contributors. However, whilst it is possible to argue that anarchism does act as the conscience of some political formations, with relevant ‘monitoring’ of ‘hierarchical drift’, the complexities of these

in Changing anarchism
David Coates and Leo Panitch

contradictory relationship between capital and labour in a capitalist society precludes an effective long-term realisation of working-class interests without a major resetting of property relationships. They did not apologise for perpetually raising the socialist question, seeing it still a legitimate issue to discuss when exploring left-wing political formations. But their critique of British Labour was not that an already existing socialist working class required better political leadership. Such a claim constituted, in Miliband’s view, a ‘gross overestimation of the

in Interpreting the Labour Party
Open Access (free)
Class cultures, the trade unions and the Labour Party
John Callaghan

there was any significant move to the Left during the war. The same people were in control of the party in 1918 as in 1914. The unions supported the war while the Left was defensive and divided. Opposition to socialism within the unions ‘was inflamed by the war’ (1974: 90) and the unions forced a change in the method of electing the NEC, in 1917, which further concentrated power in their hands. In that year a new political formation of trade unionists and co-operators was mooted – to be called the ‘People’s Party’ – and though nothing came of it McKibbin offers it as

in Interpreting the Labour Party