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‘hyperglobalists’, ‘sceptics’ and ‘transformationalists’. The typology is based upon the divergences that exist between accounts of the extent of globalisation and, in particular, the implications for nation-states. Thus, for the hypergloblists, economic and political power becomes ‘denationalised’ and ‘borderless’ in the face of extensive global forces (1999: 3). By contrast, the sceptics share the view that globalisation is an overstated and convenient myth that facilitates the implementation of unpopular policies, effectively extending state power (1999: 6). For the
political economy without giving close attention to the role of power in economic life’ (1988: 23). IPE and power form a mutually constitutive relationship for Strange, it is not possible to study one without reference to the other. This is a considerable departure from the orthodox representation of power as the expression of state interests, a conception referred to by Strange as ‘relational power’ and criticised for its ‘distinction between economic power and political power’ (1988: 24-25). The opposition and distinction between political and economic power is
public sphere or spheres. Publics as well as public spheres do not exist in a social vacuum and their constitution needs to be situated similarly in terms of their geography and history. So any consideration of the efficacy of such city networks in Africa might need to make sense not just of the traffic of communication they facilitate but also the ways in which such communication surfaces in the arenas where community voices, political power and private interests meet across the continent. Wale Adebanwi ( 2017 ) has argued recently that such
legislation, politics, power and identity play a major role in resource management, distribution and implementation of the upgrading project. Patel ( 2015 ) describes the effect of devolved housing allocation leading to exclusion of non-favoured groups in Durban, thus negatively affecting community engagement. Devolved housing increases competition between residents around ethnicity, nationality and/or political party views. Community-led upgrading in the Durban metropolitan area Methodology This study adopted a
of social, economic or political power on the part of men against women, entailing the use of physical, sexual and psychological force and/or control in private and public spheres (McIlwaine, 2013 ). Acknowledging constraints of accurate data collection, evidence shows that non-intimate partner violence (non-IPV) in cities is higher than in rural areas, whereas intimate partner violence (IPV) is lower (McIlwaine, 2013 ). While globally, an estimated 35 per cent of women have experienced some form of GBV (World Health Organization (WHO), 2013 : 12), UN
-liberal globalisation to the contests of ‘labour and other subordinate social forces’ (Stevis and Boswell, 1997: 93). Despite the considerable critical contribution made by neo-Gramscian scholars to questions of power and production, transnational class, neoliberal politics and social and resistance movements, the opportunity to expose the webs of power surrounding global restructuring has not yet been fully taken up. Caught up in explanations of the power held by elite transnational actors in the global economy, neo-Gramscians tend not to apply their analysis of political power to
the dynamics of ‘world order’3 reveals that the inside/outside dichotomy of the flexibility discourse is a convenient illusion that masks the political power and social contest that surrounds the restructuring of work. Amoore_Global_02_Ch1 25 6/19/02, 12:08 PM Globalisation contested 26 Flexibility as disciplinary imperative In recent times there has been a subtle change in the discourse surrounding policy responses to globalisation. That change involves a greater willingness to acknowledge the inequities and unevenness of globalisation. The British Government