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The Catholic challenge during the Thirty Years’ War

-standing and extremely acrimonious battle 108 WITCHCRAFT NARRATIVES IN GERMANY to defend its judicial and political power in Gebsattel, a battle which had acquired an additional religious edge in the spring of 1627. As discussed in the Introduction, Rothenburg was situated in a part of early modern Germany where rights over land and people were particularly fragmented and subject to competing claims from rival lords.11 The village of Gebsattel was one of the biggest thorns in the flesh of the city councillors in the context of their attempts to defend and extend

in Witchcraft narratives in Germany
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John Toland and the crisis of Christian culture, 1696–1722

This book explores the life, thought and political commitments of the free-thinker John Toland (1670–1722). Studying both his private archive and published works, it illustrates how he moved in both subversive and elite political circles in England and abroad. The book explores the connections between Toland's republican political thought and his irreligious belief about Christian doctrine, the ecclesiastical establishment and divine revelation, arguing that far from being a marginal and insignificant figure, he counted queens, princes and government ministers as his friends and political associates. In particular, Toland's intimate relationship with the Electress Sophia of Hanover saw him act as a court philosopher, but also as a powerful publicist for the Hanoverian succession. The book argues that he shaped the republican tradition after the Glorious Revolution into a practical and politically viable programme, focused not on destroying the monarchy but on reforming public religion and the Church of England. It also examines how Toland used his social intimacy with a wide circle of men and women (ranging from Prince Eugene of Savoy to Robert Harley) to distribute his ideas in private. The book explores the connections between his erudition and print culture, arguing that his intellectual project was aimed at compromising the authority of Christian ‘knowledge’ as much as the political power of the Church. Overall, it illustrates how Toland's ideas and influence impacted upon English political life between the 1690s and the 1720s.

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Better ‘the Hottentot at the hustings’ than ‘the Hottentot in the wilds with his gun on his shoulder’

Sotho, the Tswana, the Ndebele, the Swazi and the Pedi – and also some small states run by such peoples as the Griqua (the descendants of Afrikaners and Africans, who had gained military and political power by adopting the Whites’ guns and horses). The prolonged serious internecine conflict among the peoples of the interior (a period in the 1820s and 1830s referred to as the mfecane or lifaqane

in Equal subjects, unequal rights
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The predicament of history

colonial rule would signal not merely a transfer of political power, but the renovation of the entire colonial civilisation, from top to bottom. In the decade or so from the middle 1950s to the middle 1960s this dedication to the decolonisation of the culture of the Caribbean moved to the centre of what it was to declare oneself a West Indian. In the writings of the time of C. L. R. James, George Lamming

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain

the political power of the Church, or the role of Christianity in society, the consequences of ecclesiological reform in 1689 were a 4 MUP/Champion_01_Intro 4 27/2/03, 10:09 am Locating John Toland blend of innovation and tradition. In the same breath as allowing a diversity of Protestant worship, the statutory reforms underscored the singular jurisdictional authority of the Church of England. By default these debates about the nature of religion were intimately bound up with questions about the legitimate character of political authority. Despite the

in Republican learning
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decision-making power in all cases always remained with the council.4 In the sixteenth century Rothenburg was one of the Empire’s middlesized urban settlements, with 5,000–7,000 inhabitants. Its population was dominated by craftsmen and their households, who produced goods for local and regional markets. These craftsmen belonged to guilds which regulated the standards of their particular craft, but they lacked political power within the city. Individual craftsmen might gain admission to the political elite if they made enough money and the right connections, but as a

in Witchcraft narratives in Germany

,000 voters can be no more than an informed guess, in the absence of both electoral rolls and frequent polls.27 Political power lay with the landed class, whose estates, prestige and other modes of influence created ‘natural’ political interests, on which government could make little impact. Most constituencies were controlled by the squires, the myth of an aristocratic oligarchy of a few great patrons having been destroyed long ago, in 1929, by Sir Lewis Namier, who calculated that in the English boroughs 55 peers influenced the election of only 111 MPs.28 Subsequent

in George III

. By George III’s reign the Cocoa Tree was a club for likeminded men, not a political power base for a non-existent Tory Party. The European alignment in what became known, but obviously not in America, as the Seven Years War saw Britain and Prussia overmatched by France, Austria and Russia. Against the odds the Anglo-Prussian partnership held out in North Germany. While Frederick the Great beat off the Austrians and the Russians, being rarely confronted by the two together, Prussia’s western flank was protected against French attack by an army financed rather than

in George III
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fertility and was commissioned by her granddaughter, Matilda, who was also a granddaughter of Queen Margaret. Duby alleges that the monks of Vasconviliers wrote the Vita when the count of Boulogne felt he had a claim to the English throne.71 Whether or not this is a realistic appreciation of contemporary political circumstances, it is significant that both Duby and Stafford acknowledge that the portrayal of powerful women could be propagandist. Stafford’s contention that twelfth-century writers found a new language in which to articulate queenly political power72 is a

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
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Africa, the exclusion of the Indigenous peoples from political power in 1910 was followed almost immediately by the Natives’ Land Act, restricting the areas in which they could legally buy land to just 7 per cent of the total area of the country. Furthermore, whereas under English property law land was a commodity to be bought and sold in individual title, for Indigenous communities the land was an

in Equal subjects, unequal rights