Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
dominant modes of intimacy make borders. This views intimacy and, more specifically, family as having political power. In light of this I explore how dominant modes of socio-sexual intimacy known as ‘family’ have been central to the organisation of personhood and violence in modernity, including questions of who can/cannot move. European ideas of normative sexuality and domesticity (i.e. ‘family’) emerged within the ideologies and practices of colonial violence, 6 Bordering intimacy accumulation and dispossession, of which policing mobility through bordering was a
) alone were estimated to have earned $595 billion in 2019 (EIA 2021 ). Reliable sources like the US government's Energy Information Administration or the international collaborative Worldometer reveal that every continent has some oil reserves. Venezuela, Saudi Arabia and Canada have the world's largest reserves. A country's oil reserves translate into political power. As energy author Yergin says, after the Saudi Arabian oil embargoes occurring in 1967 and 1973, ‘Petroleum had become the province of presidents and premiers, of foreign and finance and energy ministers
universality he everywhere represents’ (p. 70; emphases added). Because some people in positions of political power consider themselves the personification of the universal human subject, the notion of the universal itself is to blame. This notion is also responsible for the fact of colonialism. Political or racial domination then becomes the inevitable outcome of the idea of the subject. On the contrary, I want to contend that white European arrogation of this subject position says something about how power operates, but does not illuminate inescapable properties of the
attention has almost fetishised the spectacular Kurtz, and ‘his’ Africa, minimising their systemic relations with European capitalist bureaucracy in Europe. It is important to extend criticism by examining how overseas domination is rendered in the textures of ordinary European metropolitan life, labour and leisure in the novella. And equally important is the way metropolitan political power, consumerism and fantasy are seen to control the Company’s African employment structures, just as they control Kurtz up to his death. When viewed from this angle, Conrad’s critique
nationalism out. It is, perhaps, only when nationalism in the Republic is challenged that its true depth and nature will emerge. Within a united Ireland, unionists would have significant political power. They would undoubtedly work to gain as many resources as they could for the north of Ireland. A central allegation that might gain ground within the twenty-six counties would be that the unionist community was being treated with undue generosity. Such accusations might be levelled in the context of tax rises introduced to support the northern economy. The potential for anti
exclusive powers were given to the federal subjects. The regions were only granted residual powers (article 73). Federalism and democracy Scholars of federalism have also stressed the positive relationship between federalism and democratisation. For Watts, federalism is inherently democratic as it presumes, ‘the voluntary consent of citizens in the constituent units, non-centralisation as a principle expressed through multiple centres of political decision making, open political bargaining . . . the operation of checks and balances to avoid the concentration of political
many of these were high ranking executives or directors of enterprises and collective farms. Of these 23.0 per cent were successful in winning seats.35 And members of the economic elite have been able to turn their economic power into political power and victory at the ballot box. Thus for example, enterprise directors have been able to ‘persuade’ their employees (whom they provide with not only wages, but other vital services and goods, such as healthcare and housing) to bring home the votes. FAD7 10/17/2002 6:01 PM 130 Page 130 Federalism and democratisation
sciences. The perception of materiality had origins in scepticism, materialism and idealism in the Mediterranean’s antiquity. Another reference point, ancient kingship, embodies a nucleus of sacred and political power in the historical studies of civilisations that inform Eisenstadt’s theory. But treating the problem of political power in the modern world is a different matter and one that demands a wider span of imaginary reference points. On the whole, as Arnason has more recently argued, the problematic of power as constitutive of civilisations is neglected in