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Susan M. Johns

fertility and was commissioned by her granddaughter, Matilda, who was also a granddaughter of Queen Margaret. Duby alleges that the monks of Vasconviliers wrote the Vita when the count of Boulogne felt he had a claim to the English throne.71 Whether or not this is a realistic appreciation of contemporary political circumstances, it is significant that both Duby and Stafford acknowledge that the portrayal of powerful women could be propagandist. Stafford’s contention that twelfth-century writers found a new language in which to articulate queenly political power72 is a

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
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Susan M. Johns

indicators of the personal, social and political power of twelfth-century noblewomen. Several issues affect the interpretation of charter evidence. The use of documentary records became more routine, as did the formulas which were used to express 82 witnessing commonplace happenings, and phrases were developed to express what may in fact not have occurred.14 Thus charters may have been statements of pretension rather than expressions of real power and authority, and therefore propaganda.15 Thus witness lists may have also been pretensions to power rather than evidence

in Noblewomen, aristocracy and power in the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman realm
James Paz

is clearly demonstrated by the display of the cross-​carpet pages. It is not difficult to detect an element of gift exchange from such display. We need not think of such giving and receiving in purely earthbound terms; the custom could also be projected into the realm of the supernatural, as wealth and treasure was bestowed on God, Christ and the saints. In this manner, economic capital (i.e. gold, silver, gems, silks) could be converted into symbolic capital (i.e. divine approval). As Julia Smith puts it, ‘In the early Middle Ages, material wealth and political

in Nonhuman voices in Anglo-Saxon literature and material culture
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Coding same-sex union in Amis and Amiloun
Sheila Delany

richly signifying work. On the international level, the ecclesiastical reform movement initiated by Pope Gregory VII did not die when Gregory did in 1085, but intensified as the Catholic Church strove to increase its political power, social influence and wealth, especially vis-à-vis the secular state. To those ends it campaigned to purify the lives of its ministers. Homosexuality per se was not a major focus of the reform movement: simony and clerical marriage were the main targets. Nonetheless, Boswell suggests that from the mid-eleventh century, two orientations

in Pulp fictions of medieval England
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What lovers want
Arlyn Diamond

often called upon to do in history – reconcile the warring parties. Marriage brings about a peaceful countryside and happy lovers, although in actual practice marriages were supposed to be arranged by parents and guardians, who saw marriage ‘as a way of augmenting and consolidating their lands and rising in political power and influence … [and ensuring] heirs to whom the inheritance would pass and who would safeguard it for future generations’.18 According to May McKisack, ‘failure of heirs constituted by far the most serious threat to baronial stability … [and

in Pulp fictions of medieval England
Duncan Sayer

. Importantly, it is differences in attitude which underpin social difference, not wealth or the resources implied with the grave – which were expressions of the individual. This is especially true in archaeological data because the circumstances of death, burial and the disposal of the body vary from one individual to another. To use a well-known example, Richard III was buried without rich gravegoods, in a minor church in the middle of England (King et al., 2014 ). The circumstance of his death, the shift in political power that resulted from it, and the redistribution

in Early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries