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were routinely discriminated against. The prominent roles some Indians played in business and commerce in the region made settlers not only suspicious of the possibility of Indian encroaching political power but also desirous to limit it at every available opportunity. Frequent portrayals of Indians in the settler-led local press made allusion to their thrift and business acumen, characteristics which
Sotho, the Tswana, the Ndebele, the Swazi and the Pedi – and also some small states run by such peoples as the Griqua (the descendants of Afrikaners and Africans, who had gained military and political power by adopting the Whites’ guns and horses). The prolonged serious internecine conflict among the peoples of the interior (a period in the 1820s and 1830s referred to as the mfecane or lifaqane
colonial rule would signal not merely a transfer of political power, but the renovation of the entire colonial civilisation, from top to bottom. In the decade or so from the middle 1950s to the middle 1960s this dedication to the decolonisation of the culture of the Caribbean moved to the centre of what it was to declare oneself a West Indian. In the writings of the time of C. L. R. James, George Lamming
Africa, the exclusion of the Indigenous peoples from political power in 1910 was followed almost immediately by the Natives’ Land Act, restricting the areas in which they could legally buy land to just 7 per cent of the total area of the country. Furthermore, whereas under English property law land was a commodity to be bought and sold in individual title, for Indigenous communities the land was an
appears that she sometimes agreed in the end simply to save face. She could not be the Great White Queen, for she lacked the political power – the efficient capacities of Walter Bagehot’s English Constitution – to do much more than advise, even in matters that involved her children and grandchildren. On the public stage, she played the role masterfully, but she struggled, unsuccessfully, to manage
welcomed by settlers, who were keen to exercise their individual rights and to entrench their institutions; but it had serious consequences for Indigenous peoples. Their recognition of this danger often prompted appeals to the Crown to abide by British justice, forcing the British Government of the day to respond to their concerns independently of the local authorities. This increasing fragmentation of political power further
British monarchy – were invented by European ruling elites to legitimise and perpetuate their political, social, and political power. 7 Their work reflected a broader movement in the historiography of modern European nationalism that understood the nation and its ideological superstructure as historical constructions of the recent past rather than as proof of timeless and organic national communities
dangerous weapon deployed against them, could just as easily register ‘any number of Natives, on the Roll, and to bring them up like a flock of sheep’. 43 The colonial secretary responded, with moderation, that existing constitutional arrangements would effectively contain any political power Maori might legally exercise. He pointed out that the Constitution Act conferred the
political power from London to the respective island capitals. If West Indians were not merely to achieve self-government, but to create new societies free from the legacies of colonial mentalities, they needed to renovate the civilisation in which they themselves had been formed. Given conventional views of the time, in which culture led an autonomous life free from the profane exigencies of political strife
, Natal’s White men, though less than 10 per cent of the population and with a franchise that was in theory non-discriminatory, effectively monopolised the vote and political power. A male suffrage In the light of increasingly stringent legislative restrictions in both the Cape and Natal, any suggestion of extending the franchise to include women was quickly dismissed. Given the