This text aims to fill a gap in the field of Middle Eastern political studies by combining international relations theory with concrete case studies. It begins with an overview of the rules and features of the Middle East regional system—the arena in which the local states, including Egypt, Turkey, Iran, Israel and the Arab states of Syria, Jordan and Iraq, operate. The book goes on to analyse foreign-policy-making in key states, illustrating how systemic determinants constrain this policy-making, and how these constraints are dealt with in distinctive ways depending on the particular domestic features of the individual states. Finally, it goes on to look at the outcomes of state policies by examining several major conflicts including the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Gulf War, and the system of regional alignment. The study assesses the impact of international penetration in the region, including the historic reasons behind the formation of the regional state system. It also analyses the continued role of external great powers, such as the United States and the former Soviet Union, and explains the process by which the region has become incorporated into the global capitalist market.
has been greatly exaggerated, then you will doubt that
those changes are likely to pose any existential challenge to the humanitarian international, be
it in terms of the efficacy of what relief groups do in the field or in terms of the political
and moral legitimacy they can aspire to enjoy. But if, on the contrary, you believe that we are living in the last days of a doomed system
– established in the aftermath of World War II and dominated by the US – then the
humanitarian international is no more likely to survive (or to put the matter more
relations, this study will deploy a combination of several to capture its complex reality.
The Middle East is arguably the epicentre of world crisis, chronically war-prone and the site of the world’s most protracted conflicts. It appears to be the region where the anarchy and insecurity seen by the realist school of international politics as the main feature of states systems remains most in evidence and where the realist paradigm retains its greatest relevance. Yet neo-realism’s 1 a-historical tendency to assume states systems to be unchanging
granted that the world is a secure place for First World [i.e.
developed] states and their citizens’, while the same is not true
for developing world countries ( Job, 1992 : 11).
This chapter’s purpose is to broaden the definition
of security by including regimes and societies as essential referent
objects of security. Demands for social, economic and political rights
across the Middle East have threatened
Introduction Drawing its energy from the wave of New Left and counter-cultural radicalism of the 1960s
( Boltanski and Chiapello, 2005 ), an NGO-led direct
humanitarian action pushed onto the international stage during the 1970s. The radicalism of this
new anti-establishment sans frontières humanitarianism lay in its
political challenge to the conventions of Cold War sovereignty. By being there on the ground it
sought to hold sovereign power to account, witnessing its excesses while professing a
face-to-face humanitarian solidarity with its
An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE
citizen movements that have been at the
forefront of the emergency response. Similarly inspired by cosmopolitan ideals, these groups tend
to use more political language than conventional NGOs, presenting their relief activities as a
form of direct resistance to nationalist politics and xenophobia. As liberal humanitarianism is
challenged in its European heartland, they are developing – through practice – a
new model of humanitarian engagement. SOS MEDITERRANEE is an ad hoc citizen initiative founded in 2015 to prevent the death of people
as liberal hopes for a pacific and technocratic utopia have taken leave of empirical reality,
the assumption of progress has been sustained primarily through myth-making and cognitive
gymnastics. Fake news is not the antithesis of liberal truth but its progeny. Nonetheless, the notion of liberal order is useful to the extent that it signals the role of
liberal ideas and politics in the consolidation of Western hegemony and, more specifically, the
expansion of American power. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms, set out in 1941
. Refusing to answer journalists’ questions about current or past abductions, humanitarian organisations also tend to keep information from their own staff. Unless they personally know the managers handling the kidnappings, aid workers must rely on their organisation’s public version of the facts (i.e. ‘No comment’) and the more or less credible information that appears in the media, which may describe the horrendous conditions in which the hostages are being held and the payment of ransom to criminal and political networks ( Callimachi, 2014a , 2014b ; Kiser, 2013 ). In
Introduction The modern global humanitarian system takes the form it does because it is underpinned by
liberal world order, the post-1945 successor to the imperial world of the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries and the global political and economic system the European empires created.
Humanitarian space, as we have come to know it in the late twentieth century, is liberal space,
even if many of those engaged in humanitarian action would rather not see themselves as liberals.
To the extent that there is something constitutively liberal about
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez and Sylvain Landry B. Faye
in Liberia; indirect mediation to chiefs in Sierra Leone. Inspired by the extended-case-study method developed by the Manchester School ( Gluckman, 1940 ), we illuminate our ethnography by paying attention to the long history of the relationship between power and population. The cases are presented chronologically in order to align with the history of the West Africa epidemic. In the first case, Sylvain Landry B. Faye details a case from Kolobengou, Guinea, in which Ministry of Health efforts to mobilise traditional and political elites clashed with locally