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Fund in October 2010. Innovation funds, innovation labs and innovation studies subsequently proliferated, and by 2016 innovation had become important enough to be adopted as one of the central themes of the World Humanitarian Summit. The ALNAP research specifically framed innovation as a response to external threats, stating that ‘[i]f established aid organisations fail to prioritise innovations, they are in danger of losing popular support and being overtaken by new types of relief organisations
additional public support. Third world advocates, in Canada as elsewhere, had been convinced since the mid twentieth century that remedies to global inequalities started with the support of citizens at home ( Ermisch, 2015 ). Many NGOs and international government agencies of the late mid-twentieth century had embarked on campaigns of information aimed at sustaining public opinion in favor of long term work, between upsurges of popular support of relief during situations of war and natural emergency. Such work with the public, education included, enhanced the humanitarian
Schulz and Touquet, 2020 ). While sexual violence in conflict and displacement is sometimes used to terrorise the victim, community or population at large, it may also be employed to garner popular support. This is particularly the case for sexual and other forms of gendered violence against those perceived as ‘undesirables’ or whose sexuality ‘must’ be policed by the society or community in question. This may include queer and trans persons as well as alleged drug traffickers
funding landscape changed dramatically and the public perception of NGOs was also altered irrevocably [ Chabbott, 1999 : 227; Hilton et al. , 2012 : 301]. Biafra might not have been the first instance of popular support for NGOs, but it certainly accelerated their development into the kind of sector that we are familiar with now [ O’Sullivan et al. , 2016 ]. Marie-Luce : I agree with what Kevin has just said. Biafra is a very interesting moment
–Israeli peace process as well as an instrument of political protest against an indigenous Arab regime. Hamas is an excellent case study with which to demonstrate the role religion performs in political conflict. Currently, Hamas is gaining in popular support due to renewed violence in the Middle East and the Palestinian population’s increased endorsement of suicide or ‘martyrdom’ operations against
. Resistance is shaped by the political context in which it is embedded and practices do not define resistance per se. Three aspects need to be analysed in order to understand the role of violence as a tool of resistance: the context of war, the motivations that popular classes have to support or create armed groups, and how extensive this popular support is. Whereas the context of war was analysed in previous chapters, this one will focus on the other two aspects – motivations and support. These two aspects account for the defining elements of resistance, including the
exception was Iran’s larger more mobilised society where the Shah had to construct a more elaborate technology of control, heavily dependent on clientalism, repression and external backing. In the authoritarian-nationalist republics , where regimes originated in middle-class overthrow of Western client elites by nationalist officers, state formation meant the wholesale reconstruction of states against the opposition of the displaced upper classes and amidst Western hostility, requiring, therefore, a measure of mobilised popular support. Charismatic
legitimacy ( Job, 1992 : 17). Azar and Moon (1988a) refer to this as a ‘software’ factor. ‘Popular support and acceptance’, they contend, ‘facilitate the smooth mobilization and allocation of domestic resources’ ( 1988a : 81), which creates security for society, and this in turn creates security for regimes, since they do not need to fear being
diminished popular support for the United States, restricting the ability for policy makers to publicly support Washington’s initiatives. But the Obama administration’s approach also confronted several major challenges. The first and clearest was managing relations with a rising China, whose influence was increasing in Southeast Asia and becoming manifested in ways detrimental to US interests and those of some regional states. Despite being cognizant of this trend and its manifestations, the administration’s desire to ease Beijing’s insecurities and collaborate on issues
needs and strategy in consolidating his power. He inherited Nasser’s office but not his popular support and he lacked Nasser’s capacity to use Pan-Arab leadership to bolster his position at home. As such, he chose to root his rule in the support of the bourgeoisie – the social force that was both most strategic and most prepared to support a leader promising a reversal of Nasserism. The bourgeoisie wanted an end to war, economic liberalisation and an opening to the West (Hinnebusch, 1985: 89–90). While Sadat had to find some solution to the