federal and state chains of command had very disconnected priorities. The organised public health responses became lost in denialism, racist stereotyping, greed, and bureaucratic wrangling. Clear and unambiguous public health hierarchies must, consequently, be put in place and comprehensively tested long before the outbreak of a plague epidemic. The Madagascar public health response was certainly an improvement on those of Marseille and San Francisco. The
Sexual images and innuendo have become commonplace in contemporary advertising; they often fail to register in any meaningful way with the audience. This book examines the essentially racist stereotypes through which Irish people have conventionally been regarded have been increasingly challenged and even displaced perhaps by a sequence of rather more complimentary perspectives. The various developments that are signified within the figure of the Celtic Tiger might be considered to have radically altered the field of political possibility in Ireland. The enormous cuts in public expenditure that marked this period are held to have established a desirable, stable macroeconomic environment. The Celtic Tiger shows that one can use the rhetoric about 'social solidarity' while actually implementing policies which increase class polarisation. The book discusses the current hegemonic construction of Ireland as an open, cosmopolitan, multicultural, tourist-friendly society. The two central pieces of legislation which currently shape Irish immigration policy are the 1996 Refugee Act and the Immigration Bill of 1999. The book offers a critical examination of the realities of the Celtic Tiger for Irish women. Processes of nation state formation invariably invoke homogeneous narratives of ethnicity and national identity. To invoke a collective subject of contemporary Ireland rhetorically is to make such a strategic utopian political assumption. For the last few hundred years, the Gaeltacht has exemplified the crisis of Irish modernity. Culture becomes capital, and vice versa, while political action increasingly consists of the struggle to maintain democratic autonomy in the face of global market forces.
capture, without knowing what is going to happen next. The imagery of the film encourages intimate identification with the white boys’ situation, the camera lingering on their fearful faces as they are subjected to threats and gratuitous and capricious cruelties from the black boys. Black people and people of colour, who until then had often been held back by unacknowledged, unofficial, and hidden forms of censorship, spoke up on social media and blogs to critique Play. Earlier, examples of public media engagement in anti-racism and racist stereotypes were more far
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
and reiterates racist stereotypes of Romany people. The minor role of the elderly nurse Buda seems entirely suitable to Terry’s abilities at this time. As Buda, Terry conveys the burden of awareness of her own diminishing competence. It is when Buda falls asleep that the child Arline is abducted by Devilshoof, leader of the gypsies, played by C. Aubrey Smith. Devilshoof has stealthily entered the upstairs room and charmed Arline with the promise of a visit to the gypsy camp. He thereby secures the child’s silent complicity in the abduction. Other scenes, such as
colour, culture or ethnic origin. It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping which disadvantage ethnic minority people’. W. Hague, ‘Common sense on crime’, speech to the Centre for Policy Studies, London, 14 December 2000. See also W. Hague, ‘Where was Jack Straw when Damilola died?’, Sunday Telegraph, 17 December 2000. D. Butler and D. Kavanagh, The British General Election of 2001 (London, Palgrave, 2002), pp. 197 and 191. See the
laughing. Then Salvatore said, ‘but Ibra, where are you? I can only see two people and a black stain in the middle!’ Salvatore used his learned Wolof as a weapon against Ibra in his malicious joking. He appealed to the innocent and open nature of these pedagogic interactions whilst, at the same time, using them as part of a vigorous and sharp takedown that drew on racist stereotypes that black people don’t show up in photographs because of their skin tone. 11 Ibra, Giovanni and colleague in front of Giovanni’s shop Knowing how to talk For migrants usch
with the ‘Negro’ – a contradictory fantasmatic figure of phallic jouissance, the punishing superego, and the punished victim delegated to take the blame for woman’s theft of the phallus. Paradoxically, in order to function as a defence mechanism, the masquerade of womanliness has to be reinforced by another masculine identification – but this time not with the insignia of white power but with the racist stereotype of black masculinity. In this contradictory identification with the punished victim/punishing superego, we see here a feminised figure of Negrophobia, 58
concerned that their children might not be in a white-majority context as the other parents were considering questions of feeling comfortable, rather than the necessary context for building self-esteem in a society where racist stereotypes about black women persist. The ethnic-minority parents in both Chorlton and Whalley Range were generally (like the white parents) pleased with the primary schools that their children were in. Fauzia, a Bangladeshi full-time parent who had been in Britain since she was fifteen, described how she particularly valued the approach of her
a few stops after this outburst and the hum of conversation resumed as we continued with our journey. This episode provided further insights into the different status of women in Napoli on the basis of the ways in which they were both racialised and classed. The performance of talking about the South Asian family – within their earshot and using recognisable racist stereotypes about Muslims, but in a thick dialect that was designed to be deliberately incomprehensible and so vaguely threatening – jarred starkly with the effort the young Neapolitan made to