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Israel and a Palestinian state
Lenore G. Martin

, for security relations between Israel and a Palestinian state? Applying the paradigm in the context of Israel and a Palestinian state Adopting the state as the level of analysis creates a problem for exploring the national security of the Palestinian entity, which at time of writing has not achieved de jure recognition as a state. Still, the nascent Palestinian state

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Open Access (free)
Surveillance and transgender bodies in a post-9/ 11 era of neoliberalism
Christine Quinan

surveillance, including body scanners, identity documents, and facial recognition software. These technologies became all the more commonplace after the events of 9/11, which offered a justification for expanding surveillance practices already in use or under development (Clarkson 2014 : 35). But these sorts of security technologies affect different populations differently. As Alissa Bohling ( 2012 : n.p.) writes, ‘because gender has

in Security/ Mobility
French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II
Marie Beauchamps

are prosecuted in the name of the nation’s security, highlighting those moments when notions of selfhood and otherness are shaped, mobilised, and transformed. My approach to history is motivated by a genealogical method of research, starting with the recognition that contemporary denaturalisation practices continuously articulate a past that nonetheless remains only partially known to us. Accordingly

in Security/ Mobility
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

chose qu’intervention’. 7 In the nineteenth century, the concept of ‘belligerency’ was applicable in internal wars: another state could recognize insurgents as ‘belligerents’ provided the armed conflict met certain criteria, the so-called ‘factual test’ (protracted armed conflict, insurgents administering a large portion of a state’s territory, insurgents headed by a responsible authority and so on). 8 Recognition of belligerency did not imply diplomatic

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

society. 8 Charles Alexandrowicz has argued that the shrinking of international society’s scope to ‘Eurocentrism’ was due to the switch from natural law, which was universal, to positivism, with its emphasis on treaty law, sovereignty, international personality and recognition (as constitutive of statehood) confined to the so-called ‘civilized states’ as original members of the ‘family of nations’. 9 This is arguable, for many nineteenth century jurists

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Pertti Joenniemi

understanding and role of war, and has furnished it with a temporal and spatial permanence. This effort has not, primarily, been one of trying to do away with war, but can perhaps be better described as an essential aspect of modern inter-state relations. It is precisely the recognition and delineation of the sphere of war that has been conducive to a certain ‘taming’ of war, and, more generally, to the

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Civilisation, civil society and the Kosovo war
Mikkel Vedby Rasmussen

these ‘two Europes’ there is either conflict (of all sorts) or mutual recognition, but never the possibility of comprehensive and peaceful integration. The war over Kosovo showed that the West did not construct Europe that way. As I mentioned earlier, Prime Minister Jospin constructs ‘Europe’ as a governmentality rather than as a geographical or geo-political notion. To Jospin, Europe is the result of

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

sense McKinley was perhaps the first modern US President. 52 Main events 1895–96 Martí and Gómez sought US recognition and aid but not military intervention, for fear of domination. As Martí mused, ‘To change masters is not to be free’. 53 The inspiring Martí died in an ambush (19 May 1895) and Cuba declared itself independent (15 July), with Salvador Betancourt as President. The Cuban movement in the US, known as the Cuban Junta, was headed

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Eşref Aksu

’s objectives. These governments’ unwillingness, supported by ASEAN and China, to deny the Khmer Rouge international recognition was essentially a strategic choice, which inevitably prompted accusations of hypocrisy from voices influential in shaping world opinion and from the Soviet bloc. President Carter, it should be remembered, had denounced the Khmer Rouge Government as the ‘worst violator’ of human rights

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
A veiled threat
Thomas J. Butko

territories, in terms of both domestic and international recognition. This was reinforced with the signing of the Oslo Accords in September 1993 ( Legrain, 1997 : 169). While it only recently acquired the state-like apparatus of a police force and a more fully-defined administrative structure, the PLO has long been the principal distributor of services and patronage through its control of civil institutions

in Redefining security in the Middle East