The display of human remains is a controversial issue in many contemporary societies, with many museums globally removing them from display. However, their place in genocide memorials is also contested. Objections towards the display of remains are based strongly in the social sciences and humanities, predicated on assumptions made regarding the relationship between respect, identification and personhood. As remains are displayed scientifically and anonymously, it is often argued that the personhood of the remains is denied, thereby rendering the person ‘within’ the remains invisible. In this article I argue that the link between identification and personhood is, in some contexts, tenuous at best. Further, in the context of Cambodia, I suggest that such analyses ignore the ways that local communities and Cambodians choose to interact with human remains in their memorials. In such contexts, the display of the remains is central to restoring their personhood and dignity.
Embodying the disappeared of the Argentinian dictatorship through law
a triple challenge: establishment of the facts, to bring them into
the light, the (re)construction and understanding of the narrative
of what took place; the exposure of the crime and sentencing of
those responsible; and an end to the crime and access to mourning.
It then becomes a question of thinking of the disappeared/absent
body not ‘in the negative’, in respect of what it prevents, but ‘in the
positive’, in respect of what it allows juridically: that is, to think of
it as generating rights and duties. The absence of the bodies of the
disappeared and the
The politics of exhumation in post-genocide Rwanda
genocide, churches, and the Rwandan state itself.
What accounts for the specific features of the Rwandan case in this
respect? In what context are these genocide exhumations carried out
and who exactly are the actors organizing them in Rwanda? How are
the mass graves to be located, opened, and selected, and how are the
exhumed victims identified?
The question of the role of foreign forensic anthropologists in
Rwanda since the genocide is particularly important. While the role
204 Rémi Korman
of foreign specialists in the memorialization and commemoration of
. In this respect, they constitute a
rare document, though secrecy still surrounds the administrative
practices and chains of command that organized state violence in
Iran, which remain in place and in effect in some cases. Interview
number 19 is entitled ‘The cadavers from the mass graves from the
1981 massacre in the riverbed’.3 The interviewee, an official at the
Ministry of Justice in the city of Shiraz, recounts being summoned
to appear before the revolutionary tribunal during the summer of
1981. Majid Torabpour, the director of Shiraz city prison, is waiting
An anthropological approach to human
remains from the gulags
We owe respect to the living
To the dead we owe only the truth.
Archaeologists and anthropologists specializing in the field of
funerary customs have long been used to considering the degree of
social, religious and political investment placed in the dead body.
Ever since the pioneering work of Robert Hertz, we have known
that the social treatment of corpses is based on a series of rituals
that bring into play the full range of collective representations
this chapter does not pretend to provide a definitive
answer to these questions, it is nonetheless true that the very expression ‘human body’, missing from the text of the law – at least
in its French version – has incontestably been integrated into the
judicial language relative to crimes against humanity.
The human body: victim, witness and evidence 59
It is, in this respect, particularly striking that the human body
is not mentioned with regard to the crime against humanity of
murder – no more than a simple specification that
Tracing relatedness and diversity in the Albanian–Montenegrin borderland
practically all local ethno-national, religious and ideological/political
‘categories’. Here, people declaring themselves to be Albanians, Montenegrins,
Serbs, Yugoslavs, Christians and Muslims, democrats or socialists – allegiances that
entailed tensions and conflicts in other parts of the Balkans – were not merely relatives, but respected the individual freedom of self-denomination.
In this chapter I use episodes from my journey along the Sarapa genealogical
pathway to explore the interrelatedness of human and border mobility and inclusivity of diverse population patterns
the volume focuses on the Asian continent.
Frances Tay is interested in the exhumations ordered in Malaysia by
the British military courts in the course of trials for Japanese atrocities
committed during the occupation of the peninsula. These exhumations have indeed reflected the policy of restoring the colonial regime,
while the process of memorializing the victims – which later drew on
other exhumations – revealed the importance of the Chinese minority
in the construction of an independent Malaysian state. In this respect,
the last section of the volume offers a
causes abjection but what disturbs
identity, system, order. What does not respect borders, positions,
rules’ (1982: 4). Against biological explanations of the repulsion that
dead bodies produce, Kristeva holds that the abject and abjection
are ‘primers of culture’ that draw us ‘toward the place where meaning collapses’, a place beyond discourse. The abject does not signify
death: ‘No, as in true theatre … refuse and corpses show me what I
permanently thrust aside in order to live’ (1982: 2). In Kernaghan’s
interpretation (2009; this volume), the Peruvian Shining Path
Time and space in family migrant networks between Kosovo and western Europe
migrants rather than with people from the destination society.
In at least one respect, they lived under inverted gender norms. Gendered usages
Migrating borders and moving times
prevalent in their village communities were changed: for instance, the men often
had to clean, wash and cook for themselves. Thus, although the men directed their
lives towards the (still very patriarchally organised) village, their life worlds differed
in several important respects from those whom they had left at home.
When the men visited their homes in Kosovo, they often did not talk