representation that exists
‘alongside the world’ rather than on top of it.
Such a framework does not necessarily need to altogether reject discursive
analyses in favour of a ‘materialist’ approach, but rather asserts the latter as
a ‘useful counter’ to the former (Bennett, 2004: 358). The object-oriented
approach, and the wider philosophical movement of speculative realism more
generally, points towards the limits of deconstructive, language-focused critiques. With respect to maps, the deconstructionist work of the early critical
cartographers has been fundamental for
, bifurcations and splits,
transformations, varying quantities, speeds, capacities, and so on and so forth.
The first clearly recognisable examples of these flow maps all appear in the
mid-nineteenth century, the key innovators in this respect being the British
soldier and public servant Henry Dury Harness, British physician John Snow,
Mapping the space of flows 179
and French civil engineer Charles Joseph Minard (see MacEachren, 1979).
Harness, who worked for the newly founded Irish Railway Commission at the
time, developed what is perhaps the first ever set of flow maps
Digital photography and cartography in Wolfgang Weileder’s
and time within both photographs and memories of places
is miniaturised, reducing time and space to flattened, static images. Instead,
Weileder’s work demonstrates the need to construct, to extend, to build upon,
current experience, thereby offering a renewed experience of space-crossed
In this respect, Weileder’s practice echoes another of Benjamin’s key ideas
about photography – that ‘constructive’ rather than ‘creative’ photography is
necessary in order to ‘reveal anything about reality’ (Benjamin, 1999a: 526).
While the ‘creative’ detaches itself from
and mutual respect, thereby consecrating human rights. Brazilian society, and particularly Carioca society, stands in its structure in stark contrast to that hoped for by humanists on the basis of ethical principles and fairness. This constitutive brutality exists not only between classes or between state bodies and the less privileged classes. It is also common within the individual classes.
These tragic levels of violence have become a major reference point that both unites and separates Cariocas (in this case, the interpretation applies to Brazilian society
Reinventing depression among Rio de Janeiro urban dwellers
Leandro David Wenceslau and Francisco Ortega
unscheduled consultation. During the weekend, Diego had attempted sexual contact with his younger sister. Raquel became anxious and upset and did not know how to deal with this situation. She communicated the situation to Diego’s father, who repeated what he had done in other situations when their son had exhibited violent behaviour: Diego was beaten as punishment for what he had done. According to Raquel, his father was the only person Diego respected, and physical aggression was the most efficient way to calm him down and make him change his behaviour. Diego was also
From an ‘infrastructural turn’ to the platform logics of
Michael Keith and Andreza Aruska de Souza Santos
complacently assuming the moral high ground. Sustainability science can exclude the impossible dilemmas of intergenerational ethics. Engineering, hydrology, architecture and planning are as situated in place as the cultures and the calculus of risk examined in Dar es Salaam in Irmelin Joelsson's chapter here. So the sense of the dispositional that we argue for in this volume is one that maintains a respect for both the critical deconstruction of existing conditions of the city and for the careful deployment of new forms of social scientific data analytics alongside it: the
The bridge, the fund and insurance in Dar es Salaam
to allocate money in the expectation of future benefits (returns). With respect to the private and public (and parastatal) infrastructures that promise to hold social security in place, I provisionally hold ‘popular insurance’ as the social practices of insurance that have been built up over long-term experience with everyday uncertainties, risks and hedging, and the marginal role of the formal sector in many people's lives. Insurance in its popular instance ‘shadows’ or ‘doubles’ the insurance schemes at times when policies ‘fail’ its formal workings. It implies a
purpose, which was exactly
that of interfering with the laws of supply and demand in respect to
human labor, and removing it from the orbit of the market. (Polanyi,
Markets for labour do not occur as natural or self-regulating realities.
Their uneasy relationship with the human needs and practices of daily life is
mitigated through sets of social institutions that must be constantly produced
and reproduced if the contradictions are to be masked. Polanyi is not, however, advocating the taming of capitalism through the protective layer of social
will further facilitate geographical mobility.
This in turn will enable workers to exploit their potential more fully and
exercise their rights in this respect. (Commission of European Communities (CEC), 1997: 7)
The European Commission positions the restructuring of work as a direct
response to exogenous technological and market forces. Indeed, the flexibilisation of work is represented in terms of the opportunities and rewards of ‘upskilling’, training and greater labour market mobility. The discourse that has
emerged and made flexibility ‘common sense’ for the