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Hans Peter Broedel

celebration of opus Dei.15 Still more remarkable was the case of Ricalmus, a thirteenth-century Carthusian monk and the abbot of Schönthal, who, by special grace, could see the normally invisible demons that swarmed about him, and who recorded his experiences for posterity. Ricalmus’ world was filled with demons who were responsible not only for interior temptation but also for all the other petty annoyances which distracted him from proper concentration on the divine office: The devils, without a particle of respect for his character or his years used to call him a “dirty

in The <i>Malleus Maleficarum</i> and the construction of witchcraft
Open Access (free)
Hans Peter Broedel

The authors of ‘Malleus Maleficarum,’ Institoris and Sprenger, began their analysis of witchcraft by observing that, for witchcraft to have any effect, three things must concur: the devil, the witch and the permission of God. This chapter follows in the inquisitors' footsteps and examines the relationships between witchcraft, God and the Devil, revealing how the authors reconciled data from testimony and experience with their assumptions about the nature of the universe. For them, as for us, the devil provides a convenient starting point, because the witchcraft of the text depends upon an unusual conception of what the infernal side of the Christian pantheon is all about. The inquisitors' devil is not amenable to simple definition; nor is it easy to determine in what form and to what extent the devil was actually present in people's minds. They embraced an oddly bifurcated devil; a being of transcendent but mechanical power for evil, and a creature whose physical presence was more often than not of an almost trivial appearance. This disjunction between impressive diabolic power and minimal diabolic presence demanded a mediator who could channel and direct disordering and harmful forces on earth. In the text, Malleus, the witch, becomes the effective agent of diabolic power, a living, breathing devil on earth in respect to those around her.

in The <i>Malleus Maleficarum</i> and the construction of witchcraft
Open Access (free)
Beyond the witch trials
Owen Davies and Willem de Blécourt

methodologies and interests of academics like de Blécourt represent a flexible continental historiographical tradition that has less respect for orthodox chronological and disciplinary boundaries. By way of further example, consider Le Roy Ladurie’s imaginative detective work into the origins of the witch poem by the mid-nineteenth-century hairdresser-poet Jacques Jasmin, and the work of Éva Pócs in Hungary who has drawn upon early modern archives and twentiethcentury folklore to piece together patterns of belief.6 Beyond the witch trials also appears in the wake of the

in Beyond the witch trials
Magic, witchcraft and Church in early eighteenth-century Capua
Augusto Ferraiuolo

the denouncers almost certainly had a reciprocal though unequal relationship. Sometimes it was the vicar-general, whose relationship with the denouncers was probably distant and whose persona was more strongly authoritarian, or likewise maybe an inquisitor. In each case, it is somebody that occupied a more meaningful role in the social hierarchy and it is somebody motivated by a specific ideology, lacking neutrality with respect to the denounced events. Because the accusations made before the above officials were transcribed oral narrations, they were strongly

in Beyond the witch trials
Open Access (free)
black magic and bogeymen in Northern Ireland, 1973–74
Richard Jenkins

respect to black magic, the principal tactic was the mock ritual site. He mentioned locations in the Ardoyne in north Belfast, Newry (the episode described in the Sunday World ), Islandmagee, and another in County Antrim. This activity may have started as early as late 1972, and it continued into early 1974. They did not do many: the idea was to create, manufacture

in Witchcraft Continued
Open Access (free)
French clerical reformers and episcopal status
Alison Forrestal

:12 pm Page 61 THE MOST PERFECT STATE 61 Within the framework of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, ‘an intimate union’ existed between bishops and priests, which established the latter in a state of reliance on the former, their hierarchical superiors. In the contemporary church, however, Olier believed this natural and divinely instituted union to have been ruptured with the result that ‘One sees the principal ministers of Bishops, who are the Priests, living without dependence on their Leaders’ and, worse still, with no ‘respect for their sacred direction nor

in Fathers, pastors and kings
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Witchcraft and the symbolics of hierarchy in late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century Finland
Raisa Maria Toivo

lucrative outcomes, it represented a greater threat to the authorities. In this respect it has been shown that charges initiated by the authorities rather than the public were more likely to lead to convictions, and that most such cases concerned benevolent magic rather than witchcraft.5 Furthermore, if the populace submitted information on maleficium, the authorities often converted the substance of the charges into vidskepelse.6 Trials about benevolent magic can thus be seen as an attempt by the authorities to educate the populace in the direction they wanted, for

in Beyond the witch trials
Laura Stark

landless poor used their magical knowledge as a medium of exchange or barter to gain material goods; (2) how, as a last resort, the landless poor could receive negative respect and coerce material benefits from landowning farmers by cultivating a reputation for magical harm; (3) the use of sorcery in maintaining group cohesion and defining the symbolic boundaries of the farm household; (4) the key role of counter-sorcery in defusing aggression

in Witchcraft Continued
Alison Forrestal

might not extend to papal infallibility in matters of dogma, the pope was certainly ‘first bishop’, successor of Peter and deserving of respect.7 Yet the bishops, the papacy and regulars diverged on the exact character of this primacy. The bishops never denied that the pope could issue pastoral privileges to regulars. However, they felt justified in refusing to accept those which they regarded as suspect or unsuitable for diocesan requirements. In their view, no ecclesiastical power was entitled to exercise jurisdiction within dioceses without the approval of the

in Fathers, pastors and kings
The discourse of spirits in Enlightenment Bristol
Jonathan Barry

in revelation, providence, spirits and anti-Newtonian philosophy which ran counter to the supposed ‘enlightenment’ tone of intellectual life at that period.12 Whether Bristol was untypical in that respect may be debatable, but there is no doubt that, despite their position in Bristol life, most of these people felt themselves to be living in a world of ‘public infidelity’ – subject to the mockery or neglect of a sceptical public. Such a belief did much to shape their reaction to the Lamb Inn affair. Dyer and his friends kept notes and began narratives of the affair

in Beyond the witch trials