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Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

’s ‘humanitarian intervention’ over Kosovo highlighted the normative tension between the doctrine of non-intervention in sovereign states versus efforts to promote respect for human rights that transcend state boundaries, the subsequent efforts at peace-building have revealed other normative conundrums. For NATO and other international institutions, this has made South East Europe a normative labyrinth where democracy, ‘stateness

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Evolution of the normative basis
Eşref Aksu

the main objective, with the utmost emphasis placed on protecting the sovereignty of state parties to the conflict. At the same time, the UN was required to respect fully state sovereignty, that is, uphold the principle of non-intervention. The notion of UN authority inherent in Hammarskjöld’s peacekeeping doctrine, however, contrasted sharply with that implicit in collective security thinking. Almost by

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Eşref Aksu

downplayed as an objective in favour of promotion of ‘internal’ sovereignty, which in turn became closely interlinked with promotion of human rights and socioeconomic development. 1 On the authority front, too, a significant change could be detected. Developments with respect to all four dimensions of authority had a cumulative effect which became especially striking in the

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

Constitution of Every State shall be Republican’. Republican states are peaceful internationally and base their internal policy on justice, the rule of law and respect for individual autonomy. 27 From this ambit it has been argued that, assuming that the Definitive Articles are ‘more basic’ (in fact this is not the case, as Kantian scholars point out), non-intervention ‘does not apply to forms of intervention that might promote or defend the development or survival of republican

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla

the person directly affected, but against all civilized States. His conclusion is that under these circumstances collective intervention is ‘obligatory’. 50 Bluntschli of Heidelberg University asserted that ‘[t]he civilized nations in particular are called upon to develop the sentiment of the common laws of humanity’ 51 and that ‘[o]ne is authorized to intervene to ensure respect for the individual rights recognized

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Israel and a Palestinian state
Lenore G. Martin

suppliers of these resources renders a state vulnerable to threats of embargo or cut-off by the supplier or by third parties. The Middle East generally has much oil and little water. But the distribution of these resources is uneven, heightening the security concerns of those states which lack them. This is certainly the case with respect to Israel and a Palestinian state. Israel and the West Bank and Gaza

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Open Access (free)
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

in this respect made headlines once again in the autumn of 2001. This happened as a consequence of the military operations in Afghanistan. Much of the analysis and commentary surrounding the conduct of these operations focused on the extent to which the Americans ran them on a unilateral basis, with no direct reference to NATO or any other multilateral structures or processes. The Kosovo experience was often cited

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Pertti Joenniemi

modern meaning by reaching out and expanding the domain of political action. 25 NATO countries portrayed themselves as humanitarian champions enforcing respect for human rights. Since NATO did not label its campaign a ‘war’, it was already indicating that something new was underway. NATO’s alleged civilisational aims called for new moral and legal criteria in order to pass judgement, which would, one

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Open Access (free)
Redefining security in the Middle East
Tami Amanda Jacoby and Brent E. Sasley

United States (US) and the Soviet Union (USSR). It also served as the core framework of analysis. In that respect, the ‘core’ was prioritized, both analytically and politically, over what were considered local or regional disputes raging in an area broadly defined as the ‘Third World’, now more widely known as the developing world. The latter category was considered theoretically insignificant insofar as

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Public presence, discourse, and migrants as threat
Giannis Gkolfinopoulos

) the number of work stamps required for renewing the residence permit and for securing health insurance was reduced (the latter for Greeks too). Beyond doubt, the agreement, even if it were to be fully respected, did not constitute a break with the current illegalisation regime. The strikers’ status continued to be that of illegals. The politics of news coverage This chapter is

in Security/ Mobility