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north-west Europe, with England as the paradigm case, enjoying small but cumulative growth in advance of a stagnant south and east long before industrialisation. Recent research, including some of my own, is then used to trace how these interpretations suffer from an overly economistic theoretical frame and overlook the ways in which both the ruling elite and working people used the possibilities implicit in the shifting tectonic plates of production and reproduction to their own advantage. Women’s roles were not cast in stone, but nor did they adapt smoothly to the

in Making work more equal

’s republics: a threat to its territorial integrity?’, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Report, 2:20 (14 May 1993), 36. 18 Dunlop, The Rise of Russia, p. 62. 19 M. Filippov and O. Shevtsov, ‘Asymmetric bilateral bargaining in the new Russian Federation: a path dependence explanation’, Communist and PostCommunist Studies, 32 (1999), 70. 20 J. T. Ishiyama, ‘The Russian proto-parties and the national republics’, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 29: 4 (1996), 397. 21 See D. Lane and C. Ross, From Communism to Capitalism: Ruling Elites from Gorbachev to Yeltsin, (New

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
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Association and distinction in politics and religion

The degree of the private cultivation of identity, beyond any public gaze, differs from instance to instance, as does its relation with the narrative presented to the world beyond the elite. But it is always present. The rituals of Negara, the nineteenth-century Balinese state described by Clifford Geertz, provide an example of an exceptionally high degree of solipsistic identity cultivation by a ruling elite. There was in a very real sense more ritual than ruling, and the king's palace was a temple rather than either a residence or an office or

in Cultivating political and public identity
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Press, 1992); J. Higley, J. Pakulski and W. Wesolowski, Postcommunist Elites and Democracy in Eastern Europe (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998); J. Kullberg, J. Higley and J. Pakulski, ‘Elites, institutions and democratisation in Russia and Eastern Europe’, in G. Gill (ed.), Elites and Leadership in Russian Politics (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1988); D. Lane and C. Ross, From Communism to Capitalism: Ruling Elites From Gorbachev to Yeltsin (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1999). 13 Higley and Gunther, Elites and Democratic Consolidation. 14 Lane and Ross, From

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Executive versus legislative power

), Vybory i Partii v Regionakh Rossii (Moscow: IGPI, 2000), p. 126. See, D. Lane and C. Ross, The Transformation from communism to Capitalism: Ruling Elites From Gorbachev to Yeltsin (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1999). Vybory v Zakonodatel¢nye Predstavitel¢nye Organy. J. C. Lallemand, ‘Politics for the few: elites in Bryansk and Smolensk’, Post-Soviet Affairs, 15:4 (1999), p. 332. R. F. Turovskii, ‘Gubernatory nachinaiut i vyigryvaiut?’, in R. F. Turovskii (ed.), Politicheskie Protsessy v Regionakh Rossii (Moscow: Tsentr Politicheskikh Tekhnologii, 1998), p. 203. R

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
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The oddity of democracy

appearance and behaviour, by voice and clothing. A democratic people has a character which is not derived from laws or constitutions, but which is in symbiotic relationship with them. Just as democracy is characterised by a tension between a sovereign people and a ruling elite, so it is further characterised by the contrary demands of democratic solidarity and individual freedom, the stress between association and distinction. When a mobilised society becomes a democracy, the tension between the solidarity and equality of action, which characterises

in Cultivating political and public identity

reactions and far-reaching reforms in education, government and foreign policy. 98 In this tragic meeting, or rather clash, of civilizations, one can discern three stages on the part of the Chinese ruling elite: 1840–60 . Following the Opium War of 1840–42, with Britain, China’s defeat and the ‘unequal’ Treaty of Nanking, China ceded Hong Kong and opened five ports to British residence and trade; it was also made to accept a ‘most favoured nation’ clause for Britain. The

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
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unqualified linear progress. Whilst some forms of public space were emerging in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, others were being destroyed by enclosure. A public space precedes or accompanies or contributes to the creation of a public, so that phrases such as ‘members of the public’ or ‘the public’ have meaning only as a social category emerges of people who – whilst not part of a ruling elite – are, aspect by aspect and in a growth which is neither simple, nor irreversible, nor necessarily coherent, more than mere subjects. The emergence of the public, of civil

in Cultivating political and public identity