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Coreen Anne McGuire

-legal field. Adjudicating disability was complex and involved new sets of standardised classifications for what changes constituted disability in relation to respiratory disease. 147 Melling has confirmed that it was very difficult to arrive firmly at any kind of diagnosis using X-ray examination at this time: professional scepticism abounded and techniques and interpretations were not standardised until nearer 1950. 148 In this politically loaded context, in which new X-ray technology could not be fully trusted, the spirometer represented secure evidence of respiratory

in Measuring difference, numbering normal
Open Access (free)
Coreen Anne McGuire

was some acknowledgement of the individual, personal and intangible nature of breathlessness and hearing loss, the processes of testing for confirmation of pathology prioritised instrumental evidence over user voices. This, I argue, is an example of mechanical epistemic injustice. Epistemic injustice connotes the scepticism that greets certain (discriminated) groups’ claims to knowledge. 2 In healthcare, this can affect individuals’ access to treatment as testimonies about their own bodies and health are placed under extra and unnecessary scrutiny. 3 Such extra

in Measuring difference, numbering normal
Alcohol health education campaigns in England
Alex Mold

local health education campaigns, an expert committee report on alcohol prevention and a public consultation exercise on alcohol, the chapter highlights tensions between different approaches to dealing with drink. Health education efforts were intended to encourage individuals to moderate their alcohol consumption: to behave responsibly by becoming ‘sensible drinkers’. Yet, at the same time, considerable scepticism was expressed (even by those involved in the campaigns) about the ability of health education to change behaviour. Other approaches, such as increasing the

in Balancing the self
Open Access (free)
George Campbell Gosling

scepticism and sometimes, as in Bristol, outright opposition of house committees to the admission of private patients is in stark contrast to the US case where Charles Rosenberg and Paul Starr have both identified the surgical staffs as driving the change, bringing their private patients to the hospital where it was more efficient and profitable to treat them. 9 There is little reason to think the same logic would not apply across the Atlantic. Yet the separation

in Payment and philanthropy in British healthcare, 1918–48
The cultural construction of opposition to immunisation in India
Niels Brimnes

again Chief Minister of Madras, a position he resigned in 1954 after falling out with the dominant faction of the Congress Party in Madras. 64 Rajagopalachari was also a close friend of Raman and shared his scepticism towards BCG vaccination. From 1952 he communicated his views on BCG in letters to the Union Minister of Health and ardent supporter of BCG, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur. 65 With his resignation the Indian authorities and their UN

in The politics of vaccination
Open Access (free)
Paul Greenough, Stuart Blume, and Christine Holmberg

1974, and it was effectively cited to justify the launch of the global polio eradication programme in 1988. 30 Public health histories since smallpox eradication Contemporary funders, organisers and managers of immunisation campaigns in both the developed and developing countries are well aware of widespread public scepticism if not opposition. While physical attacks on vaccinators, though not unknown are rare, opposition

in The politics of vaccination
Britta Lundgren and Martin Holmberg

proudly opened her handbag in front of TV cameras to show her sanitiser bottle, indicating that this served as a visible sign of being a responsible citizen. For the first time in history, it was also possible to build large stockpiles of antiviral drugs for dealing with a pandemic. Although there was scepticism among some experts about the utility of such stockpiles, politicians were eager to show their determination. These drugs had earlier

in The politics of vaccination
Open Access (free)
Gareth Millward

how they were maintained. Successive British governments achieved this by responding to various challenges, including vaccine shortages, public scepticism over safety, scientific controversies and supply logistics. The schedule expanded from just two disease-prevention programmes in 1945 (smallpox and diphtheria) to around twenty routine and optional vaccines in 2018. 13 But this was not simply a government project to improve public health. The British public played a key role in shaping the priorities of the programme, in turn placing expectations on the British

in Vaccinating Britain
Open Access (free)
Gareth Millward

councils and MOHs. This caused great variation in the registration and uptake rates for vaccination across the country, as MOHs had different priorities and capacities within their local authorities (as was seen earlier with diphtheria and smallpox immunisation). In two cases, local scepticism even saw local authorities opt out of the scheme altogether. The health committee and MOH of Burton-on-Trent, Staffordshire believed that the national programme was in effect a giant experiment. They also objected to central government guidelines and control. Initially, therefore

in Vaccinating Britain
Guerrilla nursing with the Friends Ambulance Unit, 1946–48
Susan Armstrong-Reid

trusted to direct the nursing school:32 it ‘would be a waste of time and the lives of the students’.33 Others, with a more positive view of the Chinese head nurses’ wartime role and questioning the hospital’s future sustainability once the FAU team withdrew,34 warned that Stanley should expect a cool reception. In June 1946, Stanley received a letter explaining why a new head nurse, ‘whose compatibility with the native nurses is a strong point’, was required at Weihwei.35 While Stanley’s value as a peacemaker was recognised, scepticism remained about her administrative

in Colonial caring