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Editor’s Introduction
Juliano Fiori

limited to operating in countries under Western tutelage, but even those inspired by anti-communism were cautious about structural integration into Western security strategies. At the beginning of the 1990s, NGOs shrugged off their scepticism for the morality of state power, working more closely with Western military forces. Private and government funding for humanitarian operations increased. With the help of news media, humanitarian agencies boosted their political capital, presenting themselves as providers of public moral conscience for the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

important in a world whose rules they did not write, allege that human rights and humanitarianism represent the soft-power version of Western modernity, another vector for the transmission of liberal-capitalist values and interests that threatens their hold on national power and resources. China, with its muscular conception of sovereignty and its no-questions-asked relationship with other authoritarian states, leads the way. These non-Western states can hardly be blamed for their scepticism given the degree to which humanitarians often attend crises

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The Law and Politics of Responding to Attacks against Aid Workers
Julia Brooks and Rob Grace

public advocacy at the organisational level, as well as the converse risks of remaining silent, humanitarian practitioners have also expressed various concerns about speaking out. One concern is about whether public advocacy is actually impactful, and what form of advocacy should humanitarians pursue. On the one hand, interviewees articulated scepticism about whether the plethora of data gathering and awareness raising initiatives in this area – such as the Aid Worker Security Database, the Aid in Danger project, the ICRC’s Health Care in Danger initiative, and MSF

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Megan Daigle, Sarah Martin, and Henri Myrttinen

and 2009 ( Stoddard et al. , 2009 : 1). The year 2018 saw 405 attacks, the second-highest number on record ( Humanitarian Outcomes, 2019b ). By way of explanation, Eckroth (2010 : 5) points to the increasingly ‘complicated’ post-Cold War and post-9/11 world, which has made aid work more ambiguous and fomented scepticism of humanitarian principles. It bears noting that data on aid worker security is limited, heavily dependent on the Aid Worker

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Architecture, Building and Humanitarian Innovation
Tom Scott-Smith

-to-earth living standards to interpreting and fulfilling human desires’ ( Aravena, 2016 : 3–4). It was the last week before the Biennale closed for the season, and I had, over the previous summer, read a great deal of enthusiastic commentary on the event and its explicitly humanitarian intentions. I was keen to see the exhibits, especially given my long-running scepticism about the ability of architects to play a useful role in humanitarianism. However, after walking through the many

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Between international relations and European studies
Ben Tonra and Thomas Christiansen

(TEU) declared unambiguously that ‘A common foreign and security policy is hereby established which shall be governed by the following provisions’ (Treaty on European Union, Article 11), there is considerable and obvious distance between that ringing political declaration and the reality of subsequent policy formulation (Hill 1993a ; Peterson and Sjursen 1998 ). If one can, however, restrain a naturally resulting scepticism, it is striking to

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Tarik Kochi

Hegel's account of the relation between master and slave as being situated within the ancient economies of Greece and Rome. This makes some sense given that the section on Stoicism and Scepticism follows the section on master and slave. In referring to the ancient economy Hegel is presenting a very personal relation of power and domination of one body over another. In

in Recognition and Global Politics
Adrian Hyde-Price

-positivists, should be viewed with a high degree of scepticism. As Michael Clarke has argued, if we wish to ‘understand the working of political power in our contemporary world’ we need to draw on a wide range of disciplinary and theoretical perspectives. ‘The world into which we are moving offers prima facie evidence that nothing less than such an ambitious attempt at eclecticism will do’ (Clarke 1993 : xvi). Understanding and explaining

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
Greta Fowler Snyder

, places, interconnections and relations that at no point are totally consolidated into a singular global entity’ (Osterweil 2005 : 25). But, while there is good reason to be suspect of universal global movements (i.e. global movements that are not constituted in the network form), this does not mean we should extend the same scepticism to global protest events/campaigns. Even Michal Osterweil, critic of

in Recognition and Global Politics
Open Access (free)
Kerry Longhurst

-war national security culture, which was little changed by unification and the end of the Cold War’. This culture comprises a discernible set of beliefs and values relating to scepticism about the use of military force, a preference for multilateralism, a desire to be perceived as a reliable partner and an aversion to leadership in security matters, values which are widely shared by elites and society at large. The combination of these international institutional and domestic cultural factors, Duffield argues, determines the continuities and the restraint in Germany’s security

in Germany and the use of force