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Catherine Baker

4 Postsocialism, borders, security and race after Yugoslavia The historical legacies shown in the last chapter do much to explain the contradictory racialised imaginaries of the Yugoslav region's ‘cultural archive’ ( Chapter 1 ) and the shifting nature of translations of race into discourses of ethnic and national belonging ( Chapter 2 ). Though many past applications of postcolonial thought to south-east Europe have bracketed race away, identifications with racialised narratives of Europeanness predated state socialism, yet alone the collapse

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Postsocialist, post-conflict, postcolonial?
Author: Catherine Baker

This book explains theoretical work in postcolonial and postsocialist studies to offer a novel and distinctive insight into how Yugoslavia is configured by, and through, race. It presents the history of how ideas of racialised difference have been translated globally in Yugoslavia. The book provides a discussion on the critical race scholarship, global historical sociologies of 'race in translation' and south-east European cultural critique to show that the Yugoslav region is deeply embedded in global formations of race. It considers the geopolitical imagination of popular culture; the history of ethnicity; and transnational formations of race before and during state socialism, including the Non-Aligned Movement. The book also considers the post-Yugoslav discourses of security, migration, terrorism and international intervention, including the War on Terror and the refugee crisis. It elaborates how often-neglected aspects of the history of nationhood and migration reveal connections that tie the region into the global history of race. The book also explains the linkage between ethnic exclusivism and territory in the ethnopolitical logic of the Bosnian conflict and in the internationally mediated peace agreements that enshrined it: 'apartheid cartography'. Race and whiteness remained perceptible in post-war Bosnian identity discourses as new, open-ended forms of post-conflict international intervention developed.

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What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
Catherine Baker

, language, territory and sovereignty would also have been held by inhabitants of the region in the medieval and early modern past, or even the late Ottoman and Habsburg periods (Fine 2006 ; Judson 2007 ; Blumi 2011b ); used evidence about ethnopolitical conflict dynamics from the region for broader theory-building about nationalism and ethnicity (Brubaker 1996 ) or post-Cold-War international security (Posen 1993 ); investigated how alternative, multi-ethnic models of belonging were marginalised by Yugoslav constitutional logics, erased before and during the wars

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Peter J. Spiro

not need to look very hard for examples of this phenomenon. Beyond political community Here is another way of putting it: citizens may not have that much interest in collective self-governance in states. The security imperative that was once so central to state function (providing a safe space against hostile competitor states) has dissipated. Terrorism creates security needs, but the battle lines do not coincide with

in Democratic inclusion
Philip Nanton

lookout or guard huts close to the road to afford a view of any mass movements converging on the seat of government. As the town slowly expanded from east to west around the bay the intention to provide security was clear. Meanwhile, the port offered a link by sea to the outside world. Time for a song

in Frontiers of the Caribbean
Philip Nanton

wealthy western governments and developers; Gonsalves mixes socialist rhetoric with pragmatic economic interest and establishment religion. Both keep under their control decision-making authority and access to information – the office of Prime Minister includes leadership of the ministries of finance, national security, economic planning and legal affairs. The result, one critic observes, makes small

in Frontiers of the Caribbean
Catherine Baker

cultural difference within their cities increasing (Dragićević-Šešić 1994 ; Archer, Duda and Stubbs 2016 ). The internal migrants most exposed to racialised practices of Othering that resembled Western European cultural racism were Albanians and Roma. Albanians and Roma experienced similar, but not identical, marginalisations in socialist Yugoslavia. Security-minded state institutions viewed Albanians as a subversive minority because their ethnic kin-state, Albania, had a rival territorial claim; Roma suffered from their identity having no ‘homeland

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Rousseau as a constitutionalist
Mads Qvortrup

Arthur Schoppenhauer – not normally considered a political thinker – in his The World as Will and Representation: The great value of monarchy seems to me to lie in the fact that because men remain men, one must be placed so high, and be given so much power, wealth and security, and absolute inviolability that for him there is nothing left to desire, to hope or to fear. (Schoppenhauer 1958: 595) It has often been argued that Rousseau subscribed to this view (Popper 1945). Hayek thus wrote that Rousseau believed that ‘democracy necessarily means unlimited power of the

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Philip Nanton

obstructed view, but she warns the occupants: ‘If the weather is rough you have to move. In the past the sea has reached my door.’ Unlike many a Caribbean home, now usually enclosed in burglar-proof bars, her veranda is open and unfettered. Despite the area’s tough reputation, security is not a problem for her. The district has its hierarchy and she is near the

in Frontiers of the Caribbean
Catherine Baker

s state socialisms, from Hungarian aspirations to a bridging role in European security policy to Gorbachev's imagination of a ‘common European home’, at a time when elites might have been losing faith in the alternative global project of connecting the state socialist world and Global South (Mark 2015 ). Pragmatic–technocratic reformers, and strategists expressing fears of terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism, were both ‘appropriating’ this position in Yugoslavia by 1989 (Kilibarda 2010 : 40). Late Yugoslav and post-Yugoslav ‘nesting orientalisms’ thus rejected

in Race and the Yugoslav region