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Heloise Brown

exercise imperial power, and indeed some of the most prominent suffragists, including Millicent Garrett Fawcett, had reservations on this issue. Their discussions of the physical force objection illustrate the various perspectives possible within liberal thinking on the uses and roles of force within both the empire and the international arena. John Stuart Mill’s The Subjection of Women, a text which is recognised as a ‘classic statement of liberal feminism’, rested on the argument that most sexual differences are likely to be social or cultural in origin.1 Mill (1806

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Feminist journals and peace questions
Heloise Brown

have everything to lose, nothing to gain.9 Women, it was argued, were inclined towards peace not only in international political relations, but also in international (free) trade, as their emancipation would ‘strengthen the pacific tendency of commerce’.10 Arguments of sexual difference were developed when a review of Conversations on War and General Culture noted that the author, Sir Arthur Helps, advanced the view that there were ‘souls masculine and souls feminine’.11 Biggs used the review to clarify her position on sexual difference, noting ‘the feminine souls

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Open Access (free)
Pacifism and feminism in Victorian Britain
Heloise Brown

, such as Lydia Becker in the first quotation above, drew upon essentialist arguments of sexual difference. Many reinforced their construction of women as moral agents who relied upon debate rather than physical force in both individual and collective relations. Some, including Priscilla Peckover, also quoted above, began to re-evaluate concepts of peace to argue that it meant more than simply the absence of war, and to redefine patriotism as a force that was primarily moral, rather than national, in its points of reference. These arguments were founded upon analyses

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Open Access (free)
The International Arbitration and Peace Association
Heloise Brown

which to limit war was to re-educate the public so that they would not vote for war or for inflexible, combative politicians. She employed feminist arguments of sexual difference in her contention that the infringement of human rights was inherent in the use of physical force: ‘We have to fight for and protect the interests of the weak, by teaching the strong that they have no rights by virtue of their strength.’ This, she said, was ‘a work in which women can assist. I cannot but feel that we have the right to appeal . . . in this matter.’27 Her arguments, as these

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Organizing principles, 1900–1919
Katie Pickles

Such theories, however, could also be applied to South Africa, emphasizing the benefits of warm weather for health. If biological theories of race meant that a distinct hierarchy was created, other theories of environment introduced the possibility for assimilation. As Morag Bell notes for South Africa at this time, in acclimatization, sexual difference took on moral as well as ecological meaning

in Female imperialism and national identity
British women in international politics
Heloise Brown

as the ICW assumed a connection between women and peace that drew on maternalist ideas as well as constructions of innate sexual difference, but there was a stronger emphasis in the ICW on relational feminism, or women’s relationships to others, than on equal rights feminism or abstract ideas of equality. The assumption of a ‘natural’ relationship between women and peace meant that the ICW, through its resolutions and its Standing Committee, did not actually expect its members to undertake political work for peace, but instead to co-exist in peaceful co

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Joy Damousi

understanding of the importance of the civil rights movement for the development of modern psychiatry – and thus for the development of the psychiatric case study capable of acknowledging racial as well as sexual difference. The issue of ‘mental hygiene’ had preoccupied black activist groups for decades. The year 1939 saw the formation of the Committee for the Development of Mental Hygiene Resources for Negroes in Raleigh, North Carolina. Rosa Kittrell initiated the movement. Kittrell was training to be a social worker when she experienced ‘the onset of mental illness’.20

in A history of the case study
Open Access (free)
The gendering of witchcraft
Lara Apps and Andrew Gow

and the Devil , 171–198. On sexual difference and gender construction more generally, see Joan Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages: Medicine, Science, and Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1995 [1993]), 167–227; and Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990

in Male witches in early modern Europe