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Élisabeth Anstett

enormously, from that of material evidence to that of simple detritus. In this respect, the example of the violence perpetrated in the Soviet period is particularly revealing in a number of ways. A long-lived and lethal institution It is important to note from the outset that the deployment of violence through the gulag occurred on a historical, geographical and sociological scale that has rarely been equalled. The concentration camps which were first set up in the early months of the Bolshevik regime and subsequently spread across Russia and throughout the USSR would

in Human remains and mass violence
The disposal of bodies in the 1994 Rwandan genocide
Nigel Eltringham

of the actions followed a cultural patterning, a structured and structuring logic.’74 In a sophisti­cated analysis drawing on his research into popular medicine in Rwanda and the cosmology of the pre-independence monarchy, Taylor75 suggests that Rwandans76 conceive of the body through a ‘flow/blockage symbolism’ (especially the orderly flow of fluids – milk, semen, blood) which ‘mediates between physiological, sociological and cosmological levels of causality’.77 Within this symbolism, ‘unobstructed connection and unimpeded movement’ are valued, but there is also

in Human remains and mass violence
Mass violence, genocide, and the ‘forensic turn’

Human remains and identification presents a pioneering investigation into the practices and methodologies used in the search for and exhumation of dead bodies resulting from mass violence. Previously absent from forensic debate, social scientists and historians here confront historical and contemporary exhumations with the application of social context to create an innovative and interdisciplinary dialogue, enlightening the political, social and legal aspects of mass crime and its aftermaths. Through a ground-breaking selection of international case studies, Human remains and identification argues that the emergence of new technologies to facilitate the identification of dead bodies has led to a “forensic turn”, normalising exhumations as a method of dealing with human remains en masse. However, are these exhumations always made for legitimate reasons? Multidisciplinary in scope, the book will appeal to readers interested in understanding this crucial phase of mass violence’s aftermath, including researchers in history, anthropology, sociology, forensic science, law, politics and modern warfare.

Open Access (free)
The tales destruction tells
Élisabeth Anstett and Jean-Marc Dreyfus

The introduction will detail how the different disciplines (history - anthropology - sociology - law) approach the question of dead bodies during the killing processes. Corpses can be systematically desecrated, hidden, dismantled, reused, and exchanged. Ultimately, by examining the contexts within which these atrocities have taken place, the detailed case studies described show how the very methods of cadavers' destruction and manipulation reflect and inform the ideology of the perpetrators themselves. It will describe how the book will be split into three sections; 1) Who were the perpetrators and why were they chosen? It will be explored whether a division of labour created social hierarchies or criminal careers, or whether in some cases this division existed at all. 2) How did the perpetrators kill and dispose of the bodies? What techniques and technologies were employed, and how does this differ between contrasting and evolving circumstances? 3) Why did the perpetrators implement such methods and what does this say about their motivations and ideologies?

in Destruction and human remains
Integrative concepts for a criminology of mass violence
Jon Shute

help to explain historical non-engagement, two further factors are required to explain more recent and sustained engagement. The first concerns sets of HRMV.indb 85 01/09/2014 17:28:37 86  Jon Shute changes and developments that have been internal to the discipline. As criminology has expanded, diversified and become more intellectually mature, there has perhaps been a greater willingness – and institutional space – to challenge its foundational concerns and shibboleths. The US debate over the nature of and duty to realize a ‘public sociology’ has also spilled

in Human remains and mass violence
Open Access (free)
Corpses and mass violence: an inventory of the unthinkable
Élisabeth Anstett and Jean-Marc Dreyfus

Macmillan, 2003). H. Fein, Genocide: A Sociological Perspective (London: Sage, 1993); B. Uekert, Rivers of Blood: A Comparative Study of Government Massacre (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 1995); A. Alvarez, Government, Citizens and Genocide: A Comparative and Interdisciplinary Approach (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001); Y. Ternon, L’Etat criminel: les génocides au 20e siècle (Paris: Le Seuil, 1995). For instance, R. J. Van Pelt, The Case for Auschwitz: Evidence from the Irving Trial (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002); N. Werth, L’Ivrogne et la

in Human remains and mass violence
Open Access (free)
Borders, ticking clocks and timelessness among temporary labour migrants in Israel
Robin A. Harper and Hani Zubida

process is unlearning their own understandings of time in order to make sense of the new society. Migrants must adjust to the pace of life, to weather and climate and to the local calendar for holidays and business hours. However, Cwerner (2001: 15) cautions that the sociology of migrant time must not perceive all migration activities as functionally different from the lives of natives. Cwerner (2001) posits that migration is but one reference point in one’s life, not one that shapes and colours other experiences and relationships. We argue that Cwerner (2001) ignores

in Migrating borders and moving times
Open Access (free)
The politics of exhumation in post-genocide Rwanda
Rémi Korman

finance his work. Described in Rwandan records and by those Rwandan actors who came into contact with him as an expert on the question of exhu­ mation and the preservation of bodies, Mario Ibarra in actual fact possessed only a degree in sociology.14 His interest in the question of bodies was in part personal, as a result of his own suffering under the dictatorship in Chile.15 In the absence of a context that could supply adequate forensic expertise and financial resources alike, workers tried their hand at preserving bodies themselves, occasionally leading to the

in Human remains and identification
Chowra Makaremi

reference to forms of mass violence in which numerous people are eliminated due to their ideology or political opinion, was discussed in W. H. Moore, ‘Repression and dissent: substitution, context, and timing’, American Journal of Political Science, 42:3 (1998), 851–73; G. Sjoberg, E. Gill, N. Williams & K. E. Kuhn, ‘Ethics, human rights and sociological inquiry: genocide, politicide and other issues of organizational power’, American Sociologist, 26:1 (spring 1995), 8–19. This theme has been treated in several analytical works: E. Abrahamian, Tortured Confessions

in Destruction and human remains
Open Access (free)
Why exhume? Why identify?
Élisabeth Anstett and Jean-Marc Dreyfus

new anthropological studies of contemporary societies’ relations with human remains in all their forms: whole or dismembered corpses, complete skeletons or single bones, tissues, organs, appendages, and finally, ashes. Indeed, it seems important to us to understand what is at stake in the ‘exhumatory’ act itself, and thereby to attempt, as far as possible, to resituate the history, geography, and sociology of these mass exhumations. One of the first results of the research presented here thus obliges us, quite unsurprisingly, to move away from a triumphalist

in Human remains and identification