’ War (1618–48) and the wars of
religion. Westphalia established the key principle of modern statehood:
The distinguishing characteristic of the state. Sovereignty is the right
to have absolute and unlimited power, either legal or political, within
the territory of a state.
After around 1500, European expansion
The divergence of identity and territory: retarded nation-building?
In the Westphalian model that European expansion ostensibly globalised, a relative congruence between identity and sovereignty, between nation and state, endows states and the states system with legitimacy. Social mobilisation creates, in modernising societies, receptivity to identification with larger communities – nations – potentially coterminous with a state; in an age of nationalism, such identity communities seek a state and state leaders seek to
squatter capital, especially the prestigious skill of strategic
manipulation; (2) hold positions of cultural centrality in the
Mainstream; (3) should comfortably assert a persona in the movement as
an articulate, assertive, and aggressive public speaker both within the
movement and in the Mainstream; and finally (4) perform an emotional
sovereignty and social autonomy from the movement and the community.
Such a performance communicates that a person appears to sovereignly
choose participating in the
In liberal democracies there is a belief that citizens ought to take an active interest in what is happening in the political world. Political debate in modern Western democracies is a complex and often rowdy affair. There are three fundamental political issues: 'politics', 'power' and 'justice', which feature in almost all political discussions and conflicts. The book assesses the degree to which the state and state sovereignty are disappearing in the modern world of 'globalised' politics, economics and culture and new international institutions. The main features of the nation and the problems of defining it are outlined: population, culture, history, language, religion, and race. Different types of democracy and their most important features are discussed. 'Freedom' is usually claimed to be the prime objective of political activity. The book discusses equality of human rights, distributional equality, equality before the law, the claims for group equality on the grounds of race, gender, class. Rights, obligations and citizenship are closely associated. Ideology is the driving force of political discourse. The book also discusses nationalism's growth and development over the last two centuries with particular reference to its main features and assumptions. It outlines the development of conservatism as a political ideology and movement in Britain during the last two centuries. An overview of liberalism, socialism, Marxism, anarchism, and Fascism follows. Environmentalism and feminism are also discussed. Finally, the book talks about how ideological change occurs and stresses the importance of rationality in politics.
In the story of post-Cold War conceptual confusion, the war in and over Kosovo stands out as a particularly interesting episode. This book provides new and stimulating perspectives on how Kosovo has shaped the new Europe. It breaks down traditional assumptions in the field of security studies by sidelining the theoretical worldview that underlies mainstream strategic thinking on recent events in Kosovo. The book offers a conceptual overview of the Kosovo debate, placing these events in the context of globalisation, European integration and the discourse of modernity and its aftermath. It then examines Kosovo's impact on the idea of war. One of the great paradoxes of the war in Kosovo was that it was not just one campaign but two: there was the ethnic cleansing campaign in Kosovo and the allied bombing campaign against targets in Kosovo and all over Serbia. Serbia's killing of Kosovo has set the parameters of the Balkanisation-integration nexus, offering 'Europe' (and the West in general) a unique opportunity to suggest itself as the strong centre that keeps the margins from running away. Next, it investigates 'Kosovo' as a product of the decay of modern institutions and discourses like sovereignty, statehood, the warring state or the United Nations system. 'Kosovo' has introduced new overtones into the European Weltanschauung and the ways in which 'Europe' asserts itself as an independent power discourse in a globalising world: increasingly diffident, looking for firm foundations in the conceptual void of the turn of the century.
This book is an attempt at a comprehensive presentation of the history of humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century, the heyday of this controversial doctrine. It starts with a brief presentation of the present situation and debate. The theoretical first part of the book starts with the genealogy of the idea, namely the quest for the progenitors of the idea in the sixteenth and seventeenth century which is a matter of controversy. Next the nineteenth century ‘civilization-barbarity’ dichotomy is covered and its bearing on humanitarian intervention, with its concomitant Eurocentric/Orientalist gaze towards the Ottomans and other states, concluding with the reaction of the Ottomans (as well as the Chinese and Japanese). Then the pivotal international law dimension is scrutinized, with the arguments of advocates and opponents of humanitarian intervention from the 1830s until the 1930s. The theoretical part of the book concludes with nineteenth century international political theory and intervention (Kant, Hegel, Cobden, Mazzini and especially J.S. Mill). In the practical second part of the book four cases studies of humanitarian intervention are examined in considerable detail: the Greek case (1821-1831), the Lebanon/Syria case (1860-61), the Balkan crisis and Bulgarian case (1875-78) in two chapters, and the U.S. intervention in Cuba (1895-98). Each cases study concludes with its bearing on the evolution of international norms and rules of conduct in instances of humanitarian plights. The concluding chapter identifies the main characteristics of intervention on humanitarian grounds during this period and today’s criticism and counter-criticism.
early 1990s exceeded international concerns over sovereignty. Over
300,000 people died in Angola in 1993 in the presence of UNAVEM II, thus
making it the second deadliest civil war (after Rwanda) between 1992 and
1996. 2 Yet
the international community did not authorise a ‘humanitarian
intervention’. Does that mean that the tension between the norms
the post-Cold War European security landscape.
precedent’: new wars, new interventions?
When NATO undertook armed action
without an explicit mandate from the UNSC, it entered a kind of
international no-man’s land between upholding the sanctity of state
sovereignty and that of human life. While NATO members asserted that the
humanitarian and strategic imperatives of saving Kosovar Albanian lives
broader narratives on mobility, security, sovereignty, and the regime
boundaries in Israel. By its object, this chapter is thus also
complementary to the important set of studies focused on the
border-mobility nexus. However, while these studies have mostly
addressed the border either through the prism of exception (Doty 2003 ; Jones 2009 ;
Salter 2008 ) or through a Foucauldian lens
the political unit: the sovereign state.
But, unfortunately for realists’ peace of mind, the contemporary
European political theatre does not follow the established script of
security– sovereignty written by political realism. Offhand and
ad lib performances by other (f )actors have turned this European stage
in a politically surreal territory in which the ontological givens of
modernity have become