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David Owen

Rainer Bauböck's work on popular sovereignty, citizenship and the demos problem is an important touchstone for contemporary political, and especially democratic, theory. Grounded in attention to both the theoretical and empirical circumstances of individual and collective political agency, Bauböck offers a highly sophisticated and, in many ways, compelling approach to thinking through the philosophical and political

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
Rainer Bauböck

the current state system, but my critique is more fundamental than this in challenging the dominant interpretation of state sovereignty that underpins the current state system. I should have stated this more clearly than I did. Carens puts much weight on how the state system contributes to global social injustice. I have little disagreement with him on this point. What I would like to point out is again that we need to distinguish the

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
A pluralist theory of citizenship
Rainer Bauböck

emphasized the link between individual and collective self-government. Pettit's exclusive focus on domination defined as vulnerability to arbitrary interference that fails to track one's interests (Pettit 1997, 2012 ) risks losing sight of the regulatory ideal of popular sovereignty and its – always imperfect – realization through democratic procedures for electing – rather than only controlling – governments. This shortcoming makes neo-Roman republicanism a somewhat

in Democratic inclusion
Open Access (free)
Antinomies and enticements
Saurabh Dube

alienation. But the newer writings register modernity’s magic – and the interplay between the magical and the modern – as more critically constitutive of social worlds. 4 Important strands of such work have focused on the magic of capitalism and/or on the fetish of the state. 5 Still other exercises have moved toward the simultaneous evocation and defacement of power, pointing to the sacred character of modern sovereignty, in order

in Subjects of modernity
Iseult Honohan

levels, and also calling for the creation of supranational institutions and polities where the threat of domination prevents collective decision-making or action (p. 60). “The dispersal and pooling of sovereignty at substate and suprastate levels reduces the risk of political domination within states and enhances opportunities for democratic self-government beyond the state” (p. 57

in Democratic inclusion
Rousseau as a constitutionalist
Mads Qvortrup

popular participation 55 a judge interpreting an eternal and unchanging law. Bodin asserted that the monarch had the authority to enact new laws to his people and – equally importantly (from a historical perspective) – that legislation was the first and chief mark of sovereignty (Vile 1998: 29). And then it changed. Absolutism gradually lost ground at the end of the seventeenth century. It is difficult to point to one single book or event that challenged the philosophical dominance of absolutism (indeed, absolutism remained the dominant doctrine in practical politics

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Rousseau’s and nationalism
Mads Qvortrup

eighteenth century – is thus not only the main theorist of popular sovereignty, but also a theoretician of nationalism. Rousseau proves that nationalism did exist before the nineteenth century, even by a modern definition (such as that developed by Gellner). Rousseau developed a theory of society based on cultural homogeneity and ‘participation in, and identification with culture’ as well as he evidently sought to establish a political culture (based on national sentiments), which were ‘co-extensive with an entire political unit’ – as required by Gellner’s definition

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Mads Qvortrup

(Washington DC: The World Bank, 2000), p. 29. 8 For a thorough study of Helvétius’ influence upon Bentham and Marx see Irwing Horowitz’s essay ‘Helvétius, Bentham and Marx’ (Horowitz 1954: 170). 9 There is considerable literature on Rousseau and Kant. For a recent, balanced, account see Richard L. Velkley, Freedom and the End of Reason (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999). 10 In not seeking divine justification for moral judgements Rousseau is probably closer to Iris Murdoch. See Murdoch, The Sovereignty of the Good (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). 11 The

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau