compensation payments through medical diagnosis and, possibly, legal judgement created a category of disabled workmen that possessed certain rights in law. Deborah Stone’s work posits disability as ‘a juridical and administrative construct of state policy’.9 As Gleeson insists, this is just a construct and it tells us nothing about the lived reality of the disabled person’s experiences of disability. Nevertheless, this designation of disability was extremely powerful, since, while it did not prevent poverty and was certainly not a permanent designation, it helped to
distinct classes is reduced when ‘the group is not so well mobilized; when it articulates demands in relation to a form of social difference that is not already institutionalized in state policies; and when its frames do not resonate with the public of policymakers, perhaps because of the difficulty of advancing a biological difference argument’. 14 If we consider disability, as Elizabeth Barnes does, as primarily a social phenomenon, then we could indeed argue that there are good health-related reasons to consider disability to be a reference class. Against this, we
Revolution, 1891–1924 (London: Pimlico, 1997 [1996]); Sheila Fitzpatrick, The Russian Revolution, 3rd edn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). On the New Economic Policy of 1921, see: Chris Ward, Russia’s Cotton Workers and the New Economic Policy: Shop Floor Culture and State Policy, 1921–1929 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). 51 Fitzpatrick, The Russian Revolution: 1. See also: Figes, A People’s Tragedy. 52 Britnieva, One Woman’s Story: 69. 53 Fitzpatrick, The Russian Revolution: 22. 54 ‘They had all committed the same crime, the crime of being
national development in Southeast Asia, its role in some ways has been ambivalent. This can be clearly seen in the colonial period. Education was a central way in which societies mobilized to challenge and resist European rulers. But on the other hand it has also been the central vehicle through which both colonial and post-colonial states have sought to impose their own visions and discipline their subjects. Education remains the locus of a range of state policy obsessions. But despite its grip on the formal sector, the state has never succeeded in dominating the
involvement in the war. This makes it difficult to compare the two most relevant cases of French subsidy policy. I would argue, however, that these mark a period of an international entanglement of France with parallels in the French politics of protection, a period which ended with the Peace of Westphalia. In the future, France would pursue a modern state policy, that is, a policy relying substantially on institutionalized means which the government could control, such as a standing army or fortified borders. Nevertheless, unpredictable means like protection and subsidies
positions of authority might be considered ‘political’ misconduct. However, this behaviour was never ideological, certainly not a stated policy, and accusations were often unreflective of the complex reality of occupied life –or entirely false. Nevertheless, the actions of which people were accused or suspected are interesting regardless of ‘objective reality’, precisely because some people believe that they could have happened. This is equally true of another form of male misconduct. v 105 v 106 The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914–18 Commercial and
: Canterbury University Press, 2nd edn, 2005). 12 Maclean, Challenge for Health, p. 202. 13 On the Young Māori Party, see also R. S. Hill, ‘Maori and state policy’, in G. Byrnes (ed.), The New Oxford History of New Zealand (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), pp. 521–5. 14 See P. A. Sargison, ‘Hei, Akenehi, 1877/78?–1910’, in The Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, vol. 3, 1900–1920 (Auckland: Auckland University Press with Bridget Williams Books, 1996), pp. 309–11. 15 P. Sargison, Notable Women in New Zealand/Te Hauora ki Aotearoa: Ona Wahine Rongonui (Wellington
of Rochester Press, 2005). 8 Szabo, Incurable and Intolerable . 9 Ibid.; Weisz, Chronic Disease in the Twentieth Century ; A. Levene, ‘Between less eligibility and the NHS: the changing place of Poor Law hospitals in England and Wales, 1929–39’, Twentieth Century British History , 20:3 (2009), 322–45. 10 R. M. M. Domenech and C. Casañeda, ‘Redefining cancer during the interwar period: British Medical Officers of Health, state policy, managerialism and public health’, American Journal of
parties. 1 This focus is perfectly understandable. Rarely a day goes by without these questions of welfare-state policy and politics in the news, and history offers the prospect of lessons from the past that can help us think about the ongoing challenges of the present. These histories are also very viable since not only the state but also the non-state actors within this policy-making process have left a huge written and archival trace. The achievement of such history is substantial and important. Yet it is difficult not
and also the speed with which information about improvements and new sources of income have reached the masses of the population. Even if state policies to bring education, clear water and medicine to villages were largely non-existent before Independence and flawed thereafter, the capacity to aspire for change was present in very strong measure and has been rapidly exploited in recent years. Information and association in the colonial period Writing of the contemporary poor in Bombay, Appadurai (2004) argues that the ‘capacity to aspire’, to build consensus from