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Georg Elwert

become realms of predictability. Under them, long-term investments in intellectual formation and the means of production also make sense for persons far from the centres of power. The lack of a monopoly of violence produces (under competitive conditions) spaces open to violence – violence fields. In these violence fields, people invest individually in the social and physical conditions of security in much higher proportions. Development, growth or productive innovation are not their preoccupations. The general practice of state policy towards violence fields organised by

in Potentials of disorder
Open Access (free)
Gurharpal Singh

thereby have altered fundamentally the character of existing institutions and state policies. This mobilization has been associated with populist styles and idioms in political life in which personalities and symbolism have replaced effective delivery. According to Varshney (2000: 12–13), on the other hand, the change signifies the emergence of ‘plebeian politics’ along the lines of social democracy in Europe in the late nineteenth century. A visible transfer of power is taking place from the upper to lower castes, from the privileged to underprivileged and from the

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Open Access (free)
Shirin M. Rai

). However, she suggests that while the National Commission for Women in India is potentially an important means for mainstreaming gender within the state policy-making structures, its weakening links with the women’s movement are a cause for worry as they are eroding its legitimacy in the very constituency from which it needs support. Together with the lack of political will of most political parties to mainstream gender in policy making, this constitutes an important obstacle for the Indian National Commission for Women. The thrust of Marian Sawer’s argument in chapter

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Armando Barrientos
and
Martin Powell

exaggeration, it might be suggested that while Jospin talked Left and acted Right – in some areas, such as redistribution – New Labour talks Right and acts more Left (see below). It follows that some of New Labour’s stated policy goals, such as the abolition of child poverty and reducing health inequalities – both of them more ambitious than the stated policy goals of ‘Old Labour

in The Third Way and beyond
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison
and
Tony Boyd

nation, each Volk , has its own special qualities, but the German Volk carries the seeds of a higher spiritual and cultural order, a special role in human history. An elaborate theory of race was made the basis of state policy. According to this, humanity was sub-divided into different races, which had different and identifiable characteristics and could be placed in a hierarchical order. The highest

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)
Cécile Laborde

Separation of 1905, ‘the state neither recognises nor subsidises any religion’ (Article 2). This establishes a regime of mutual independence: freedom of religion (in its individual and collective dimensions) is guaranteed in the private sphere, while state policies are pursued and justified without reference to religious values. Laïcité A is therefore a form of state neutrality. There are, however, two senses in which a state policy can be said to be ‘neutral’ towards religion. The first, which roughly corresponds to the ‘non-establishment’ clause of the First Amendment of

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Open Access (free)
Cas Mudde

’. Above all, the CD wants a Dutch Netherlands, which it sees being threatened by mass immigration and the state policy of multi-culturalism. However, contrary to ethnic nationalist parties the CD does not exclude people on the basis of an ethnic criterion. It hardly ever speaks in terms of the Dutch ethnic community, but almost exclusively in terms of the Dutch population. It is a state (or civic) rather than an ethnic nationalist party. Both forms of nationalism strive for the congruence of state and ethnic community, but the ethnic nationalist works from a closed

in The ideology of the extreme right
Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Shirin M. Rai

addressing the continued marginalization of women in the public sphere and to continued gender inequality more generally. However, on the other hand, there has also been a concern that national machineries might well be used, especially where a strong women’s movement does not exist, to co-opt the gender agenda within state policy, thus divesting it of its radical edge. Holding these two positions together, at times in tension with each other, does not take away from the importance of the state as an arena for furthering gender justice. It also suggests that the state is a

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
The Ecuadorian experience
Silvia Vega Ugalde

5 The role of the women’s movement in institutionalizing a gender focus in public policy: the Ecuadorian experience silvia vega ugalde 1 Introduction The institutionalization of a gender focus in state policy is a long, complex process. It presupposes intervention in a variety of areas and further presupposes the active presence in society of actors who campaign, promote and lobby in order that the gender dimension becomes visible in political and social relations. In this chapter I present the experience of the Coordinadora Politica de Mujeres Ecuatorianas

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Shirin M. Rai

pressures that families have had to experience and the abandonment of the earlier pattern of state-based participation in political institutions, women have largely stayed away from political institutions. Women have continued to be active in some eastern European countries at the level of informal, civil society politics, where they have channelled their input into being lobbying and advocacy groups under ‘severe limitations on their ability to shift state policies grounded in a culture of exclusionary ethnonationalism’ (Einhorn 2000: 109–10). Within specific contexts

in Democratization through the looking-glass