, 2008; Jessop, 2002: 42; for a further discussion, see MacKenzie and Martínez Lucio, 2014). To this extent, the question of coordination of such levels and different approaches in public policy and state agencies politically and organisationally is one we need to be alert to (Crouch, 1993). What is more, the state intervenes not just in social spaces but also in ideological ones where specific issues, sensibilities and even national debates develop and configure the nature and impact of state policies (Locke and Thelen, 2006). Within these social and ideological
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
his analysis of Israeli neoliberalization, Arie Krampf ( 2018 : 200) echoes a truth already articulated by David Harvey's ( 2005 : 5–38) study of neoliberalism: that the adoption of neoliberal reforms takes place when welfare-state policies are no longer effective in securing profits and the domination of the bourgeoisie as a class. Israeli welfare-state capitalism was brought to the brink of economic collapse before the adoption of the 1985 plan. The choice, even if it was never articulated by Israeli policy makers in quite these terms, was either to follow the
Nexus tell us about the intersections between state policy, postcolonial empire and the ghostly presence of financial capital? Where the chapters by Medien ( Chapter 7 ) and Dickson et al. ( Chapter 8 ) explored these themes in relation to healthcare, schooling, debt and racialized borders in the contemporary UK, this chapter takes up these questions in relation to the US and its specific carceral history. If situated historically – within the normalized system it is part of – the company sheds light on the important intersections mentioned above. In particular, it
change in one of either real or relative values. A third group experienced a drop in one of the indicators, experienced by Ireland during the period shown. And, finally, Greece occupies the group in which both real and relative values fell significantly during the period. Explaining state policy towards minimum wage fixing Evidence of divergent minimum wage trends reviewed above is further complicated by a likely variety of economic and political thinking that underpins the Minimum wages and wage-setting systems in Greece and the UK 335 Table 17.1 Patterns of
systematic state-sponsored ‘development’ under the auspices of the Congested Districts Board (CDB), founded in 1891. The CDB concentrated on building up basic infrastructure and ignored broader questions of community, language or culture. Under the newly independent Irish Free State, the Gaeltacht Commission of 1926 surveyed the country and drew what became the geographic boundaries of the official Gaeltacht. Although ostensibly aimed at preserving the Irish language in these areas, Irish state policy concentrated on developing a system of grants to individual families
police migrant families and Muslim households is all done in the name of ‘safeguarding children’ 244 Bordering intimacy or to ensure that all couples claiming rights are merely ‘genuine’. This works to equally hide the racist and misogynistic violence committed against Muslim women (Al-Shamahi and Lkaderi 2019) normalised by state policies such as Prevent. Whilst advanced liberal categories complicate and rework the imperial mapping of people into backwards or modern, the modern family remains bound to both whiteness and anti-blackness. This is structured around the
Esping-Andersen’s typology and identifies it as an East Asian regime for which ‘social policy is strictly subordinate to the overriding policy objective of economic growth’. He therefore interprets productivism as the subordination of ‘state policy’ to economic growth, a subordination that even liberal and conservative systems avoid. Yet this is too narrow a conception of productivism, since economic growth is everywhere the sine qua non of social policy and although welfare states may differ in the degree of subordination they embody, none has sought to invert it
is actually far from extreme. In fact, it plays to a significant set of circulations that have become central to bordering practices in the UK and also connects up with many accepted narratives which have underpinned state policy towards grooming. Here the monstrousness of ISIS slides into the case of grooming in Rotherham through a continuum of racialised sexuality and violence. As a practice, the deprivation of citizenship binds together different monstrous bodies which blur the boundaries of colonial war from Syria and Somalia to Rotherham. They become linked