María José Sarrabayrouse Oliveira

The military coup of March 1976 in Argentina ruptured the prevailing institutional order, with the greater part of its repressive strategy built on clandestine practices and tactics (death, torture and disappearance) that sowed fear across large swathes of Argentine society. Simultaneously, the terrorist state established a parallel, de facto legal order through which it endeavoured to legitimise its actions. Among other social forces, the judicial branch played a pivotal role in this project of legitimisation. While conscious of the fact that many of those inside the justice system were also targets of oppression, I would like to argue that the dictatorship‘s approach was not to establish a new judicial authority but, rather, to build upon the existing institutional structure, remodelling it to suit its own interests and objectives. Based on an analysis of the criminal and administrative proceedings that together were known as the Case of the judicial morgue, this article aims to examine the ways in which the bodies of the detained-disappeared that entered the morgue during the dictatorship were handled, as well as the rationales and practices of the doctors and other employees who played a part in this process. Finally, it aims to reflect upon the traces left by judicial and administrative bureaucratic structures in relation to the crimes committed by the dictatorship, and on the legal strategies adopted by lawyers and the families of the victims.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Open Access (free)
The political and economic growth of a continent

This study interprets and interrelates the major political, economic and security developments in Europe – including transatlantic relations – from the end of World War II up until the present time, and looks ahead to how the continent may evolve politically in the future. It weaves all the different strands of European events together into a single picture that gives the reader a deep understanding of the continent, and of its current and future challenges. The first chapters trace European reconstruction and political, economic and security developments – both in the East and in the West – leading up to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Later chapters examine the European Union's reform efforts, enlargement, movement to a single currency and emerging security role; the political and economic changes in central and Eastern Europe, including Russia; the break up of Yugoslavia and the wars that ensued; and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO)'s enlargement and search for a new mission. Final chapters deal with forces affecting Europe's future, such as terrorism, nationalism, religion, demographic trends and globalisation.

Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

, embedded in an EU and a NATO that, through their inclusive and non-aggressive character, do not permit the ‘alliance– counter-alliance’ structure of the Europe of the past. An intricate ‘European security architecture’ – provided by the two institutions mentioned plus others – may be confusing and overlapping, but may also preserve peace and co-operation via their multiple activities. Co-operation intensified following the terrorist attacks against the United States on 11 September 2001, leading to a broad anti-terrorism coalition spanning the Atlantic and beyond and

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

security might continue to come under threat. Such contingencies could arise from regional conflicts or instability due to ethnic and other tension inside one country or between MUP_Torbion_08_Ch8 170 22/9/03, 1:53 pm A new NATO 171 countries; or they could be external, from the south or from the east, especially in an era of modern missile technology, weapons of mass 2 destruction and terrorism. Second, should a new alliance take the place of NATO? NATO members, and in particular the United States, concluded that it would be easier and cheaper to build on

in Destination Europe
A twenty-first century trial?
Dominic McGoldrick

Not only was Serbia on trial for 187 Dominic McGoldrick defending itself, the trial was inciting further Albanian terrorism in southern Serbia. That terror, conducted under the auspices of the United Nations, had resulted in 33,000 people being chased out of Kosovo and Metohija. Furthermore, there was a parallel trial through the media. This was part of a ‘media war designed to Satanise the Serbian people, the Serbian leadership, Milosevic and his family’.43 Milosevic also argued that his own treatment by the ICTY undermined its legitimacy. He considered that his

in Domestic and international trials, 1700–2000
Open Access (free)
Yalta farewell; how new a world?
Kjell M. Torbiörn

empires, with international co-operation competing against the MUP_Torbion_05_Ch5 76 22/9/03, 12:38 pm 1989–92: Yalta farewell 77 spectre of national – and nationalist – confrontation. Now the world would no longer have the luxury of debating such arcane ideas as whether the means of production ought to be state-owned or private. Instead, it would be faced with issues of survival such as climate change, environmental deterioration, AIDS, terrorism and the proliferation of nuclear weapons. No longer would war be principally a matter for the two superpowers, of

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
Paul Greenough, Stuart Blume and Christine Holmberg

). 42 Institute of Medicine (IOM), The Smallpox Vaccination Program: Public Health in the Age of Terrorism (Washington, DC: National Academies Press, 2005); Stephen S. Morse, ‘Global Preparedness for Public Health Emergencies’, Journal of Public Health Policy , 28:2 (2007), pp. 196–200; A. Richmond, L. Hostler, G. Leeman and W. King, ‘A Brief History and Overview of CDC

in The politics of vaccination
Neil Macmaster

constantly sustained by the ALN through its political organisation, the Organisation politicoadministrative (OPA), and traditional or tribal leaders, propaganda, social work, ‘revolutionary justice’ and terror. The French specialists of revolutionary warfare proceeded from the idea that it was crucial to ‘drain the swamp’, to remove the support base of the relatively small number of guerrillas among the peasantry, by winning the mass of the population over to the French side, by protecting them from ALN terrorism, and eventually forming villages into armed auto

in Burning the veil
Peter Maxwell-Stuart

military highways, built first by General Wade and then by William Caulfield, which opened up certain parts of the Highlands (but by no means all) to influences from further south, the Lowlands and England.2 As far as the Highlands were concerned, the most obvious changes were social and cultural. As Allan MacInnes has put it, ‘The immediate aftermath of the Forty-Five was marked by systematic state terrorism, characterised by a genocidal intent that verged on ethnic cleansing . . . chiefs and leading gentry abandoned their traditional obligations as protectors and

in Beyond the witch trials