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‘ Postmodernity, Not Yet: Towards a New
Periodisation ’, Radical Philosophy ,
2 : 1 , 11
and money laundering
and thus currently contribute to the transformation of war economies
through the tracking and investigation of illegal financial transactions
(Winer, 2005; Winer and Roule, 2003).
Multiple international security bodies are also involved in the tracking
and investigation of the illicit side of war economies. Many of these bodies
have been set up to deal specifically with the global drug trade, transnational
organised crime or global terrorism, but due to the connections between these
activities and many war economies, have been or could
‘my government let me stay for two years and then they said they wanted me
home and I said I can’t because I’m in the middle of a terrorism trial, I want to finish it, and they said, fine, but you’re going to have to give up your job [back
home], so I had to quit’ (I48).
The impact of forced or voluntary short-term commitments is threefold.
First is the problem of recruitment. It is already difficult to get qualified judges
and lawyers to leave their homes, families and jobs to come to a conflictaffected zone. Such difficulties are made worse by expecting
Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?
Jenny H. Peterson
global governance missionaries’ (Hozic, 2006: 244).
Customs is also seen as a way of preventing the spread of organised crime to
Western Europe (Bruggman, 2001) and is further seen as another check
against the threat of terrorism in the post-9/11 world (Chaflin, 2006;
Heyman, 2004; Megoran, Raballand and Bouyjou, 2005; Walsh, 2006).
However, customs assistance has not always had the desired effect and besides
not bringing the expected economic benefits (Bartlett and Samardzˇija, 2000),
the agenda of installing a modern customs agency based on neo-liberal
Mobilising the concept of strategic culture, this study develops a framework for understanding developments in German security policy between 1990 and 2003. Germany's contemporary security policies are characterised by a peculiar mix of continuity and change. From abstention in the first Gulf war, to early peacekeeping missions in Bosnia in the early 1990s and a full combat role in Kosovo in 1999, the pace of change in German security policy since the end of the Cold War has been breathtaking. The extent of this change has recently, however, been questioned, as seen most vividly in Berlin's response to ‘9/11’ and its subsequent stalwart opposition to the US-led war on terrorism in Iraq in 2003. Beginning with a consideration of the notion of strategic culture, the study refines and adapts the concept to the case of Germany through a consideration of aspects of the rearmament of West Germany. It then critically evaluates the transformation of the role of the Bundeswehr up to and including the war on terrorism, together with Germany's troubled efforts to enact defence reforms, as well as the complex politics surrounding the policy of conscription. By focusing on both the ‘domestics’ of security policy decision making as well as the changing and often contradictory expectations of Germany's allies, this book provides a comprehensive analysis of the role played by Germany's particular strategic culture in shaping policy choices. It concludes by pointing to the vibrancy of Germany's strategic culture.
views of John Stuart Mill and
Isaiah Berlin on ‘negative’ and ‘positive’
freedom. Then we focus on the central issue of freedom and the state,
concentrating on three major areas of dispute: conscientious objection,
state acquisition of private property, civil disobedience and terrorism.
We end with some observations on the cultural environment conducive to
freedom and reflect on the problems of freedom
Attitudes towards subversive movements and violent organisations
THE DEMOCRATIC POLITY’S struggle against manifestations of extra-parliamentary extremism and political violence is accompanied by a similar and perhaps even more acute quandary than its contest with political parties. In this struggle the government possesses the means to substantially restrict the freedom of expression and association of its citizens, consequently harming a number of their democratic rights. However, in its struggle against extremism, violence and, at times, even terrorism, the democracy is sometimes impelled to employ
. One of the many eﬀects of that day was the emergence
of a fundamental diﬀerence between US and German perspectives
regarding the use of force and how best to combat the sources of global
terrorism. The transformation that US foreign policy underwent after
(and arguably even before) September 11 brought into focus the peculiarities and continuities present within German security thinking. The
Longhurst, Germany and the use of force.qxd
Germany and the use of force
next section discusses at some length the evolution of US
, in the direction of the ‘immunised’ pole by the very fact that, for the first time, the objective and powers of the Shabak, as well as the means of accounting for its actions, will now be more clearly defined. 2
Another step in the same direction can be detected in the Ministry of Justice’s repeated efforts to address state policy regarding the ‘incitement to violence’ offence and confine it to a legal framework, thus replacing the Ordinance for the Prevention of Terrorism and other widely used administrative measures. In the summer of 2001
-Herzegovina for one year from December 1995, for instance, and
joined NATO’s Operation Active Endeavour in the
Indeed, NATO and Russia drew up a lengthy list of
cooperative projects. This included a counter-terrorism plan in 2004,
and a range of cooperative exercises in civil defence and emergency
management, theatre missile defence, nuclear materials management and